Kalon Tripa Prof Samdhong Rinpoche’s Address to the General Assembly
of the Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association in Zurich on 19 February 2011
Dear Brothers and sisters,
It is a great honor for me to participate in the General Assembly of the Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association and have the opportunity to share with you some of my views and experiences. Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association is one of the oldest organizations for the Tibetan refugees which has played an important role over the last half a century in not only looking after the welfare of the Tibetan refugees settled in Switzerland but also in preservation and promotion of Tibetan cultural heritage, in strengthening the Tibetan struggle for achieving freedom and genuine autonomy for all the Tibetan people and in promoting awareness of Tibet issue in the Western world. I deeply appreciate all the efforts made by the past and present members of this Association. I take this opportunity to express our gratitude on behalf of 6 million people of Tibet to all of you and through you to the international community in general and people of Switzerland in particular. Switzerland was the first Western country to invite a large number of Tibetan refugees for resettlement and these settlers have been the happiest among the Tibetan Diaspora. They are able to lead a very happy life with freedom and dignity and also able to help fellow Tibetans living in India, Nepal and Bhutan. We will never forget the kindness of Swiss people and government for their help offered when we were badly in need of it.
I have been asked to say a few words on the democratic system practiced by Tibetans in exile and about the Tibet Support Groups¹ (TSG) contribution to the Tibetan struggle and their relevance in the future. Both of these subjects are very important but these are vast and complex. Therefore, I don’t know how much justice I can do to these topics. However, I will try.
1. As far as the system of democracy being practiced by Tibetans in Diaspora is concerned, democracy is not a new concept or system for the Tibetan people. Our apparent opening up to democratic functioning was not prompted by the Chinese occupation of Tibet nor was it prodded by our interface with the outside influence. In the first quarter of the Twentieth Century, His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama had made lots of efforts to democratize the political system of Tibet, much before the present People’s Republic of China even came into existence. But he couldn’t achieve much due to various internal resistance as well as external factors. The present, 14th Dalai Lama, since his childhood and long before taking over the temporal power, had an unmistakable will to democratize Tibet. But unfortunately, by the time he was given the reins of the country half of its territory was already occupied by People’s Republic of China’s military force. In spite of this, for nine long years, from 1950 to 1959, he tried his utmost to introduce many measures and reforms towards democratization but every time these moves were systematically thwarted by the Chinese military junta. It is only in exile that he got the free hand to implement his vision.
There was but uniqueness about this transformation so characteristic of the leader and his people. In our case, the Head
of the State advocated democratization and consequent relinquishing of his authority but the people refused to accept it. Just contrast it with some of the authoritarian, dictatorships of 20th Century. During the last fifty one years of life in exile, His Holiness has gradually persuaded and educated his people to adopt a democratic way of life and translate the ideals into implementation so that what is achieved is a genuine democracy and not mere lip service.
The model of Tibetan democracy is fundamentally different from the modern democratic principles. The modern political systems all over the world, by and large, are governed by the economic ideology of Capitalism or Marxism/Socialism. The political systems are derived from these two ideologies. Both of these ideologies are based on the potential conflict with humanity and not on the potential of co- operation or collaboration of the humanity. Marxism laid its foundation on the concept of class struggle and Capitalism laid its foundation on the concept of so called free and fair competition. Today’s democratic system is based on capitalistic idea of individual rights and market oriented economy. Tibetan Diaspora governance system is based on basic principles of equality of all sentient beings on the basis of their potential for unlimited development. Such equality can be established in day to day living only through co-operation and not through competition. Competition invariably leads to a form of confrontation or struggle. Love and equality cannot be achieved through competition. Whether in political system or in economic system, it prevents genuine co- operation and collaboration. Realizing this aspect of human nature, the Buddha had advocated a democracy free from sense of competition. Such system was practiced in various Republics in ancient India such as Vaishali during Buddha’s lifetime. Truly speaking, awakening of human intelligence is the ultimate objective of the society. It creates a level of rationality, which leads to unanimity ­ a state of harmony.
Although we do not deny the possibility of multiparty systems of democracy for Tibetans in future, we strongly believe that a party less democracy is possible in which each individual has freedom to deal with every issue according to his or her wisdom without any imposition or any conditions from groups or ideologies. The Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile) is a living example of party less democracy. It represents all Tibetans equally. There are no group ideologies, programs, majority or minority. Domination of majority over minority too is a kind of imposition of its views against the will of the minority, far from an ideal situation in a democracy.
Decentralization of decision-making processes and implementation processes makes each individual responsible and sovereign to think and to act. It enables the individual to think globally and act locally. In our view, when a few persons live at the cost of others it is totalitarianism. On the other hand, the principle of ‘live and let live’ is ordinary democracy. But, where everyone lives for the other is a model of democracy, and this is what we are trying to achieve.
An ideal democracy has to have three basic components:
1. An enlightened leadership,
2. Right philosophical ideology, and
3. Enlightened and responsible people
We, the Tibetans, fortunately possess the first two components and we are striving hard to meet the third criteria. Plato spoke of ‘the philosopher king’ and Bertrand Russel talked about ‘common will’. Both these factors are embodied in essence in the person of the present Dalai Lama, and in the Buddhist philosophy of non- violence and interdependent origination which presents the perfect right view. Now, only our people need to mature to usher in the ideal democracy.
In June 1991, a Charter for governance of Tibetan Diaspora received the assent of His Holiness after it was duly approved by the Xith Assembly. The Charter made the people sovereign and every organ of the government – executive, legislative, judiciary and even the authority of His Holiness – derived its power through the provisions enshrined in the Charter. Although our Charter was drafted under the guidance of His Holiness, its draft carries the nature of polity as secular and therefore the entire Charter was drawn on that basis. But during the debate in the Assembly the word ‘secular’ was substituted by the word combination of ‘dharma and polity’. However, the basic structure of the Charter remained unchanged. Thus we have a Charter based on secularism without the word of ‘secular’. In our Charter the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies is the supreme although there is demarcation of authority among legislative, executive and judiciary. The Assembly alone has the power to withdraw the powers and functions of His Holiness the Dalai Lama as Head of State and Head of Executive. Similarly the Assembly can impeach the Kalon Tripa or the Kashag or the Chief Justice Commissioner or Justice Commissioners. The other check and balance provisions are similar to modern democratic systems.
In the beginning the Charter provided His Holiness to nominate candidates for electing members of Kashag by the Assembly and thereafter the Kalons shall elect Kalon Tripa from among themselves. This provision was amended in the year 2001 and since then Kalon Tripa, the Head of the Executive, is being directly elected by the people and he nominates his colleagues with the approval of the Assembly. Since 2001, the entire administrative and the political decisions are taken by the elected Kalon Tripa and His Holiness remains a kind of figurehead. At the present moment, His Holiness is actively considering to withdraw himself completely from the ceremonial duties of exile administration in order to make the process of democratization reach its ultimate stage. For this the basic structure of the Charter needs further amendment. The proposition of His Holiness has obviously alarmed the Tibetan people inside Tibet and in Diaspora. But on the other hand His Holiness appears to be quite resolute. I think this development will be of a very important nature. It will be a turning point in the history of Tibet’s polity and governance.
2. As far as the Tibet Support Groups’ (TSG) contribution to the Tibetan struggle and their relevance in the future is concerned, His Holiness the Dalai Lama reminds us constantly that this expression of international support has become the fourth refuge in the political vocabulary of the Tibetan people. To explain what he means, when Buddhists pray, they say, ‘I take refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha’ and because of TSG’s whole-hearted support, they have become the political refuge in our struggle for survival as a people with a distinct culture and national identity. The worldwide Tibet support movement is one of the unique international coalition movements in the world. Devoted to the universal values of truth, justice and freedom and to the spirit of non-violence and reconciliation, this movement continues to attract and inspire the imagination of thousands of talented individuals across the globe. Their dedication and enthusiasm to the support of the Tibet cause makes the Tibet movement worldwide one of the great movements of non-violence in contemporary times. Their sustained and concerted campaigns over the years have resulted in promoting the awareness of the Tibetan issue all over the world and kept it as a burning topic and mobilized governments and parliaments around the world to speak up for the people of Tibet.
The efforts and dedication of TSGs have inspired a new generation of committed Tibetans in Tibet. They are risking their lives to preserve Tibet’s spiritual and cultural heritage by their non- violent resistance. The Tibetan people are blessed by this expanding network of friends and supporters around the world. No other cause however just, no other struggle however long, has been as blessed as the Tibetan people by the commitment of these Support Groups. Thanks to the work of Tibet Support Groups, the political cause of Tibet, and the preservation and promotion of Tibet’s rich cultural and spiritual heritage, specially the Tibetan Buddhist and cultural centers, have remained alive on the agenda of world community.
The nature of entire Tibet Support Group movement is voluntary participation, inspired by love for justice, by using their own time, resources and energy with full awareness that no personal, political or material benefit, whatsoever, could be gained for their tireless and unceasing effort. Therefore, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama always says that Tibet Support Groups should not be considered as pro-Tibet or anti-China. They are rather pro-justice and anti-injustice.
The Tibet Support Groups consist of multi-faceted groups of experts and professionals in the fields of human rights, environment, development, culture and religion and so forth. Some TSGs work for the overall improvement of the human rights situation in Tibet. These include efforts to highlight cases of individual prisoners of conscience and their eventual release and documenting the atrocities committed on them. Other TSGs produce a constant stream of high quality research work on the negative impact of ill conceived development works in Tibet, and on its culture and people. Some focus on the expanding railway line, rampant mining, indiscriminate deforestation, forced resettlement of nomads in permanent structures on the grasslands and the growing expansion of Chinese settlement on the Tibetan plateau and their negative impact on the fragile environment of Tibet.
Then, there is another aspect to the Tibet Support movement. This aspect is the Tibetan Buddhist centers, academic institutions for Tibetan studies and Tibetan cultural centers. These Tibetan cultural centers attract an ever-expanding circle of devout friends for Tibet in every corner of the globe, every year. This component is important for us because the activities of these centers ensure that Tibet’s spiritual and cultural heritage can and will survive outside of Tibet. These centers also reflect the abiding relevance of Tibetan culture and spirituality. That an expanding international civil society, beholden to no one, no government, no sovereign, flourishes is an eloquent message of the international community’s recognition of the universal values of compassion and non-violence inherited by the Tibetan people from ancient India. This I feel gives us the confidence to say that with or without the Tibetan people, their culture and the values that underpin it will be cherished by the world. This is because Tibetan culture speaks not just the language of the Tibetan people. It speaks the universal language of humanity.
The Tibetan people’s movement for our cultural survival is invigorated by the fact that an increasing number of our Chinese brothers and sisters are embracing it. Appreciation of the values of Tibetan culture is growing amongst the Chinese, both in and outside of Mainland China. We are deeply grateful to many brave Chinese individuals and organizations in China for speaking up for the Tibetan people in the aftermath of the brutal crackdown on the widespread and peaceful protests in 2008 that called for freedom in Tibet and the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to his homeland. Many of these individuals organized an open letter expressing their support for His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle- Way policy and called on the Chinese government to stop its propaganda against Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
Today most of the state powers are only concerned for economic gains. People’s Republic of China (PRC) is not only emerging as an economic giant but also an unlimited market for every product. Therefore, usually state powers are adopting a policy of appeasement towards PRC and consider Tibet issue an unnecessary irritant in their relationship with PRC. If strong public opinion in these democratic countries were not created by Tibet Support Groups, all these governments of various countries would have chosen to push aside the Tibet issue long ago and our movement would have become difficult to sustain. Today, if most of the governments have to entertain the Tibet voice, it is because their
own public opinion demands it. This, indeed, is an enormous, effective and result oriented contribution the TSGs have made to the Tibetan struggle.
I have touched just a few important aspects of their contribution but couldn’t recount exhaustively because it is so large and so varied.
The Tibet Support Groups remain more relevant than ever before since the Tibetans are passing through a most difficult period ever since the year 2008 uprising in Tibet. Coming few years will not only be very critical but most important period for the future of Tibetan people as rapid changes will take place in socio-economic and political spheres of the world in general and PRC in particular. The repressive measures adopted by the PRC authorities and the tolerance and patience of Tibetan people both have reached the threshold of their limits. Thus it is not a time to feel fatigue and give up. Each one of us who cares for the just cause of Tibet must revitalize ourselves, sharpen our focus, consolidate our action, repackage the whole movement and a final and forceful push be given to achieve the desired result. It is for this all the TSG’s dedicated themselves for over five decades.
To conclude, I feel the following four-point program for Tibetans and Tibet supporters is important:
1. To successfully generate a culture of non- violence within urselves;
2. To be prepared to struggle for the Tibet problem, even if it takes many generations before we succeed. Younger and new generations of Tibetans and Tibet Support groups should be ever ready to carry on the responsibilities until we regain our genuine autonomy;
3. Should the Tibet problem be resolved in the near future, to be prepared to shoulder the responsibilities of rebuilding and sustaining a non-violent new Tibetan society; and
4. To maintain the sacred traditions and identity of Tibet in all circumstances.
Thank you. Jai Jagat.

New Chinese law aimed at wiping out Tibetan identity
Naresh Kumar Sharma, TNN, Feb 14, 2011, 07.13pm IST
DHARAMSALA: The new Chinese law which would come into effect next month banning reincarnation of the Dalai Lama and other Buddhist monks in Tibet was aimed at wiping out the Tibetan identity and its rich culture, said exiled Tibetan government based here on Monday.
The new law which stipulates Buddhist monks in Tibet to seek permission from Chinese communist regime for reincarnation has been ironically described by Chinese state administration for religious affairs as an important move to institutionalize management of reincarnation.
However, the de facto Prime Minister of Tibet Samdhong Rinpoche, speaking to TOI said that the new Chinese law coming into effect next month framed to ban reincarnation of Dalai Lama and other Tibetan Lamas was not surprising and unexpected at all. He said that China had been for a long time engaged in working out various methods and formula to finish the two major Tibetan religious institutions-Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama. He said that these two institutions are very important for Tibetans.
He said that the new Chinese law was nothing but a ploy to take control of Tibetan religious institutions. He said that China was perhaps waiting for the departure of the Dalai Lama as it believed that his departure would resolve the problem of Tibet itself.
Rinpoche said that China believes that by choosing its own Dalai Lama as it did in the case of appointing its own Panchen Lama with the new law coming into force would help them to control Tibetans living in various parts of the world including here (Dharamsala) which was not the case at present.
The de facto Prime Minister of Tibet said that it was wishful thinking on the part of Beijing to believe that if the Dalai Lama leaves the scene it would make things easier for it (China) to control the Tibetan struggle and movement for its cause as per its own convenience. He said that the Tibetan issue creates lot of pressure on China at global level, a fact though not accepted by Chinese. He said that Tibetan struggle could not be stymied with one individual (Dalai Lama) not on the scene as it was struggle of a nation.
However, he said that departure of the Dalai Lama would defiantly have a significant bearing on the Tibetan struggle as it could make Tibetans especially youth agitated and could resort to violent means owing to lack of leadership.
About the Karmapa monastery issue, he said that if huge haul of foreign currency including Chinese Yuan had been accumulated illegally must be investigated thoroughly to extract t the truth about it. He said that he believes that Karmapa staff had been responsible for the money found to be kept at monastery in illegal manner. Regarding suspicions being raised about Karmapa being Chinese agent or spy, he said that he (Karmapa) was not so smart and competent to indulge in such sort of activity. When asked that how the Karmapa managed to run away from Tibet (China) in dramatic circumstances in January 2000, Rinpoche said that he (Karmapa) he took advantage of snow while escaping from there.

Nepal police seize ballot boxes in Kathmandu’s
Tibetan community for second time
ICT report, February 16, 2011
On February 13, 2011, Nepal police in riot gear shut down local elections for the leadership of a Tibetan community group. The police action was the latest police harassment of Nepal’s long-staying Tibetan community and underscores Nepalese authorities’ effort to prohibiting what it perceives as “anti-China” activities by Tibetans in its territory.U.S. Under Secretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs, Maria Otero, who serves concurrently as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, was visiting Kathmandu at the time. During her visit, Otero met with Nepalese officials and reportedly expressed the continued support of the U.S. Government for the safety and welfare of Tibetan refugees in Nepal (see ICT report, ‘High-level U.S. visit shows commitment to Tibetan refugee issues in Nepal’).
The community group, Chushi Gangdruk, principally looks after the welfare of veterans of the Tibetan resistance force that battled the Chinese People’s Liberation Army from 1958 until 1974.
According to ICT sources in Kathmandu, on Sunday, February 13, Kathmandu police raided three locations where voting for the leadership of Chushi Gangdruk was taking place: Swoyambhu, Jawalakhel and Boudha.Regular elections in the Chushi Gangdruk organization have taken place for many decades, and members responsible for the elections worked with care and discretion to avoid provoking authorities. Local police in Boudha who checked on the gathering when voting began at 9:00 a.m. voiced no objection to the proceedings.Nonetheless, around 10:00 a.m., a van arrived at the voting hall carrying police wearing riot-gear, guns and batons, and was accompanied by a truck that is typically used to take people away for detention.
A member of the Chushi Gangdruk election committee was asked to explain the gathering: “We are voting for our local community representatives so that when someone is sick we can take them to the hospital or when someone dies we can take the corpse to the graveyard.We help poor and homeless people, and we clean the streets and look after the environment in our community. We are refugees and not have such a government to look after us.Only community members do these jobs.We are here today, electing our community representatives in a democratic way.”
A police officer involved in the raid told the members of Chushi Gangdruk that Tibetan refugees are not allowed to hold elections for any reason, and that the raid was ordered by the CDO (Chief District Officer).
At this point, it became impossible to carry on voting and a policeman
took the ballot box and walked away.When the police officer was asked by
the Tibetan election committee member if it would be possible to have the confiscated ballot box returned, the police officer responded that it would be impossible and that the box would be locked away along with the Tibetan ballot boxes that were confiscated last year. Several police officers stayed until 5:30 p.m. presumably to ensure that the election would not resume.
In the two other locations, Swoyambhu and Jawalakhel, the voting had concluded before police arrived at approximately 10:30 am.
On October 3, 2010, Kathmandu police confiscated ballot boxes and shut down voting sites where members of Nepal’s Tibetan community were participating in primary elections for the Tibetan government-in-exile, based in Dharamsala, India (see ICT report, ‘Nepalese police seize ballot boxes from Tibetan exile election’).
Nepal’s “one China policy” is frequently invoked by authorities as the reason to shut down community activities in the Tibetan community that had previously been allowed, such as the Chushi Gandruk elections and celebrations of the Dalai Lama’s birthday.Many Tibetans believe that Nepalese authorities are working against them at the behest of the Chinese government. The link between China’s aggression against Tibetans and Nepalese police actions has contributed to an environment of fear and insecurity in Nepal’s Tibetan communities. Only Tibetan refugees who arrived in Nepal before 1989 are provided resident status by the Nepal government, a classification that significantly limits their social, economic, political and civil rights. As one Tibetan living in Kathmandu told ICT, “Tibetans feel as though we are invisible, as though we have no right to exist” (see ICT report, ‘A fragile welcome: China’s influence on Nepal and its impact on Tibetans’).
Press contact:
Kate Saunders
Director of Communications, International Campaign for Tibet
Tel: +44 (0) 7947 138612
Email: press@savetibet.org

Dalai Lama’s nephew killed in US accident
MIAMI, US, 15 February 2011 (AFP)
Jigme Norbu addresses the media in Taipei, Taiwan, on 11 December 2010. Norbu, a nephew of the Dalai Lama, died late 14 February 2011 after being struck by a car while marching for Tibet’s independence on a Florida highway, officials said.File photo/Taipei Times/Hsieh Wen-Hwa/Taiwan
Jigme Norbu, the nephew of the Dalai Lama, died late Monday after being struck by a car while taking part in a pro-Tibet march on a Florida highway, officials said.
The Florida Highway Patrol said in a brief statement Tuesday that Norbu was walking on the edge of a local highway in north-eastern Florida when he was hit by an SUV at 7:26 pm Monday (0026 GMT Tuesday), and “was determined to be deceased upon the arrival of emergency services.”
The Florida Times Union newspaper reported that Norbu, a resident of Bloomington, Indiana, was struck by a 31-year old motorist from Palm Beach, and said there were two children in the vehicle at the time of the accident.
At the time of his death, Norbu, 45, was walking as part of a “Walk for Tibet,” a 300-mile march from St Augustine to West Palm Beach, according to the Ambassadors for World Peace website.
Reports said that at the time he was struck, Norbu was walking close to the white line separating the part of the highway used for vehicular traffic from the roadway’s emergency shoulder.
A spokesman told AFP in India that the Dalai Lama was “saddened” to hear of his nephew’s death and will remember him in his prayers on Tuesday.
“We got the message today,” the Dalai Lama’s personal secretary Chhime Rigzing told AFP by telephone. “He asked about how this had happened. He was saddened by the news.
“We have requested His Holiness to remember Mr Jigme (Norbu) in his prayers today.”
The 14-26 February “Walk for Tibet” was to cover 300 miles between the Florida coastal cities of St Augustine and West Palm Beach, according to www.ambassadorsforworldpeace.org.
The walk was to include “many opportunities to share our message of world peace, human rights, and the Tibetan struggle for independence,” the site said.
Norbu completed earlier similar walks, most recently a 300 mile march in Taiwan in December.
Norbu was the son of Takster Rinpoche, the Dalai Lama’s eldest brother. He was on the Valentine’s Day march with a small group of activists to raise awareness of human rights abuses in Tibet, according to an activist website.
Norbu’s father Takster Rinpoche, who advocated independence for Tibet, died in Indiana in 2008 at the age of 86.
The Dalai Lama champions a “middle path” policy that espouses “meaningful autonomy” for Tibet, rather than the full independence.
The Dalai Lama fled into exile in India in 1959 following a failed uprising in Tibet against Chinese rule.
http://www.tibetsun.com/archive/2011/02/15/dalai-lamas-nephew-killed-in-us-accident/

Indian authorities clear Buddhist leader in probe
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/02/11/AR2011021102048.html)
The Associated Press
Friday, February 11, 2011; 9:05 AM
NEW DELHI — Indian authorities on Friday cleared Tibetan Buddhism’s third most important leader in a probe into $1.35 million in cash discovered last month at his headquarters in northern India, a news report said.
Rajwant Sandhu, the top civil servant in Himachal Pradesh state, said the money found during a raid on the Karmapa’s monastery had been donated by his followers, the Press Trust of India news agency reported.
The Karmapa had no links to the money since the affairs of his trust are managed by his followers, Sandhu said.
“The Karmapa is a revered religious leader of the Buddhists and the government has no intentions to interfere in religious affairs of the Buddhists,” PTI quoted her as saying.
Sandhu could not immediately be reached for comment.
Last week, state police probing the case said the Karmapa’s followers violated Indian tax and foreign currency laws in collecting the donations.The Karmapa, 24, left Tibet in 2000. Since then, he has been living at the monastery in Sidhbari, just outside Dharmsala, which has been the headquarters of the self-declared Tibetan government-in-exile since the top spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, fled the Himalayan region in 1959.
Police and revenue officials searched the Gyuto Tantric Monastery and twice questioned Ugyen Thinley Dorje, the 17th Karmapa, and his aides about the source of the money.
The raid was unprecedented and particularly surprising since the Karmapa is revered by Tibetans and Buddhists across India. India has gone to great lengths to provide asylum to Buddhist leaders who have fled Tibet, including the Dalai Lama.
The Karmapa Office of Administration adamantly denied Indian media reports that the Buddhist leader might be a Chinese agent sent to India to control exiled Tibetan Buddhists who have made their home there.
China’s government reviles the Dalai Lama, accusing him of pushing for independence for Tibet and sowing trouble there. A boy named by the Dalai Lama as the second-highest Tibetan spiritual leader, the Panchen Lama, in 1995 disappeared shortly afterward and China selected another boy.

Dal-roti, Nalanda make me a son of India: Dalai Lama
TNN, Jan 31, 2011, 03.11am IST
BANGALORE: That it was a Sunday morning did not deter people from walking into St Joseph’s College (autonomous) to listen to the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of the Tibetans. The entire place wore a look of Tibet. The dais was decorated in the Tibetan style with pictures of Lhasa andBuddha as the background. It was red and green all over. But the Dalai Lama said: “I am a son of India.”
Continuing on his theme India, he said: “Once a Chinese media person asked me why I call myself a son of India. I told them my brain is filled with Nalanda thought (Nalanda is an ancient centre of higher learning). My body is built with Indian rice, dal and chapathi. I am proud of it.”
When he came on the dais, the students were in for a surprise. Happily munching biscuits when offered, trying on a conical cap that was presented to him and teasing some, he was so child-like in his enthusiasm that he bowled over the gathering.
Clad in his signature maroon robe, he first paid homage to the Buddha’s photo. Then he greeted the crowd in his mother tongue but soon switched over to English. “That was the formal part and now to the informal one,” he said.And the informal speech was peppered with some one-liners. Like when asked about divorce, he said: “After all, we do not have much experience!”
He elaborated: “We Tibetans learn from Indians. Indians are our gurus and we are chelas. And history shows we are good chelas.” Asked how one could control anger, he said laughing: “The day before yesterday, I lost my temper. But my temper is like lightning, it comes and goes. If anger remains, it turns into hatred. One life is not enough to completely eliminate anger.”
After praising the Christian ‘brothers and sisters’ for their significant contribution in the field of education, he said that some missionaries were engaged in conversion. This, when the management of St Joseph’s College was sharing the dais with him. “Some get converted to Buddhism too,” he said.
“I am straightforward. While praising all this while, I have been critical too,” he added as the crowd burst into laughter.

Obama-Hu Summit: the Good, the Bad & the Ugly
ICT blog, January 21, 2011
by Todd Stein
Tibet
Good: when President Obama said: “The United States continues to support further dialogue between the government of China and the representatives of the Dalai Lama to resolve concerns and differences, including the preservation of the religious and cultural identity of the Tibetan people.” A positive affirmation of long-standing U.S. policy that gives support to the Dalai Lama’s efforts, and should encourage other countries to say the same thing, publicly.
Bad: when Obama said: “We, the United States, recognize that Tibet is part of the People s Republic of China…” While this is U.S. policy, it doesn’t need to be repeated and only empowers Beijing to press other countries for such statements absent of key language on the dialogue (as above).
Ugly: when President Hu said: “China is willing to engage in dialogue and exchanges with the United States on the basis of mutual respect and the principle of non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.” This is code for ‘Tibet is ours, stay out,’ belied by the fact that what happens in Tibet could affect millions (as in melting glaciers and their affect on major Asian rivers and those downstream).
Human rights
Good: when Obama said: “The United States speaks up for these freedoms and the dignity of every human being, not only because it’s part of who we are as Americans, but we do so because we believe that by upholding these universal rights, all nations, including China, will ultimately be more prosperous and successful.”
Bad: when Obama said: “China has a different political system than we do. China is at a different stage of development than we are. We come from very different cultures with very different histories.” This expression of moral relativism essentially gives a free pass to Beijing, who justifies the gross mistreatment of its citizens on the false premise that there are eastern values distinct from western values.
Ugly: when Hu said: “China is always committed to the protection and promotion of human rights.” If there were a virtual asterisk above Hu’s head, it would have appeared at this moment.
Images
Good: Images of the Tibetan flag, Hu Jintao as a “failed” leader, and a “Tibet will be free” banner projected on the side of the Chinese embassy. See image above. Kudos for the clever work of our friends at Students for a Free Tibet.
Bad: Chinese television censored their own leader’s comments on human rights. As reported by the Washington Post, Chinese censors cut off the BBC broadcast of the joint press conference right after Hu said “a lot still needs to be done…” on human rights.
Ugly: The pomp, circumstance and 21-gun salute accorded a foreign leader with a horrendous human rights record. This is the first time in history that a Nobel Peace Prize winner (Obama) has hosted a person (Hu) who has incarcerated a fellow Peace Prize winner (Liu Xiaobo).
Actions
Good: Obama was proactive in signaling the importance of human rights in the bilateral relationship. Days before the summit, he invited five activists/academics to the White House to discuss “current challenges, prospects for reform, and recommendations for U.S. policy.” The White House also invited the Executive Director of Human Rights Watch to the state dinner.
Bad: The Administration failed to include any Tibetans (or Uyghurs or Mongolians) in any of the rights promotion activities before or during the summit. While theirs is a struggle for basic rights too, these peoples face additional suffering from Chinese assimilationist policies that are destroying their culture.
Ugly: Hu’s Communist Party continued to incarcerate (and possibly torture) Liu Xiaobo, Hu Jia, Dhondup Wangchen and Gheyret Niyaz for merely exercising their right to free expression, while Hu himself availed himself of full, free expression in the United States, where his words were broadcast across the United States, uncensored. See above about Hu’s own comments on human rights being censored back home.
[This blog posting and more can be found on ICT’s blog: Ideas, Advocacy and Dialog on Tibet]
Press contact:
Todd Stein
Director of Government Relations, ICT
Email: todd.stein@ictibet.org
Tel: +1 (202) 785-1515

Not made in China
Tithiya Sharma, Hindustan Times
January 30, 2011
He’s a warrior with a message of peace, a patriot barred from his homeland, a refugee in a country he was born in and an idealist living in a world disenchanted by anything without a price tag. If you know of Tenzin Tsundue, it’s probably because you watched him steal the visiting Chinese Prime
Minister’s media thunder in 2005. Tsundue unfurled a ‘Free Tibet’ banner sitting high up on the ledge of a building screaming “Wen Jiabao, you cannot silence us”.
Yes, you can’t silence the determined dissenter, but you can restrict his movements, throw him jail and make an example out of him to frighten others with lofty ideas of freedom, justice and righteousness.
Some estimates claim that almost a million Tibetans have perished in the struggle for a free Tibet. The next obvious question is… What does this one man hope to accomplish? With global icons at the helm of affairs, what can Tsundue really do?
He hopes to keep the “idea of a free Tibet alive”. Reminding the world that whether living under Chinese rule or in exile, the Tibetan people are still hoping, waiting and yearning.
In an era of armchair activism where people assume they’ve done their bit by wearing t-shirts with clichéd slogans and ‘sharing’ news about the horrors of war and exploitation in their virtual lives, Tsundue goes the extra mile.
When he’s not dangling precariously from towers, Tsundue is writing poetry about his life and his people’s struggle. He travels to every part of India with a Tibetan population- inspiring and binding them together in a peaceful resistance against “colonial China”.
He’s also open to spending time in jail- most recently in 2008, after being arrested by the Chinese border police for attempting to reach Tibet. Tsundue along with his compatriots wanted to stage a protest against the Olympics and human rights violations and the political propaganda that’s controlling Chinese citizens.
Tsundue says, “There can be no freedom for Tibet, till the Chinese people are free. Unless there is democracy and dignity for the Chinese citizens, there will be none for Tibetans. The only way to deal with a bully like China is through compassion, empowerment and support of it’s people.”
Tsundue was born in a tent besides a road, his mother, along with other Tibet refugee labourers, were constructing in Himachal Pradesh. His family was eventually settled in a refugee camp in Tamil Nadu, where he attended a Tibetan school and eventually went to a local university.
“Even though India has an over cautious stance where it comes to the Tibet issue, the country has given us a home. It has allowed us to continue in our way of life, to keep our cultural identity and to me that is the most valued support”, he stresses.
Tsundue’s brand of activism and his past endeavours require him to register with the police in Dharamshala each time he plans to travel and also upon his return. He must carry that ‘permission slip’ with him at all times. He feels no resentment and expects no special treatment. “Everything I endure is nothing new to any refugee anywhere, there is no room for ego here”.
Recounting his darkest hour in a prison cell, fearing being locked away and forgotten for a lifetime, Tsundue says that something remarkable happened. “I realised that there is joy in the simple things in life- a few moments in the sun outside my cell, a cup of hot water and a steamed bun for breakfast and the idea of a free Tibet.” Inside that jail cell, Tsundue had been released. Now, he carries that sense of calm with him always. He’s content with a Spartan existence, earning sustenance from his published work. Almost fearful of getting too comfortable, lest it distract him from his life’s mission.
He may have spent his entire life in exile, but Tenzin Tsundue was ‘Made in Tibet’.

Tibetan Parliament extend support to Karmapa
(Tibet.net)
[Sunday, 30 January 2011, 10:00 a.m.]
The English transcript of the statement made by the Tibetan Parliament’s Standing Committee during a press conference presided over by the Speaker at the Parliamentary Secretariat in Dharamsala on 29 January 2011 follows:
We would like to thank journalists from the Tibetan radio services and other media organisations for attending today’s press conference at such a short notice.
There seems to be different speculations in the Tibetan society on the issue of related with Gyuto Monastery of the 17th Gyalwang Karmapa Ogyen Trinley Dorje. More importantly, we can not say what kind of news has spread inside Tibet. So in order to convey clear information to Tibet, we have organised this press conference particularly with reporters from the Tibetan media organisations.
On hearing about the issue yesterday, the Standing Committee of the Parliament had expressed deep concern as the members met in the afternoon of 28 January. As we discuss how the issue has originated, it was agreed to seek an audience with Gyalwang Karmapa. If it was not convenient to meet him, we thought it would be helpful to get a clear information by meeting with other leading officials of the monastery. Accordingly, Speaker Penpa Tsering accompanied by Geshe Thubten Phelgye, Geshe Monlam Tharchin and Lopon Sonam Tenphel of the Standing Committee visited the monastery at 3:30 PM. Many journalists were present at the monastery. We first met the monastic officials. Later, during our audience with Gyalwang Karmapa, we found him completely at ease, which clearly shows that he has nothing to do with any wrongdoing. We, the Standing Committee, conveyed our deep concern to him and to extend whatever cooperation if needed be to avert the occurrence of such issues which bring disrepute to Gyalwang Karmapa. The main objective of our visit was to show our solidarity with Gyalwang Karmapa.
During the audience, Gyalwang Karmapa said he has no knowledge about the issue since he does not interfere in such matters. His statement reinforces the confirmation of our belief that he has no personal connection with the issue. This has been our firm belief.
We have a system in our monastery based on which we can explain the source of the current amount of money. We firmly belief and we can say in definite terms that these come as religious offerings from the follower and devotees. As the Indian journalists raise serious doubts about the money’s source, we got the opportunity to clarify them. We clearly stated that the allegations of Gyalwang Karmapa as an “agent of Chinese government” and “possessing money through illegal deals” are totally baseless. Through this press conference, we want to convey this information to the Tibetan people living inside Tibet.
As far as Gyalwang Karmapa is concerned, he put his life at risk by coming into exile from Tibet at a tender age. During his stay at Gyuto Monastery in India, he has to live under the control of the Indian security officials and he has no freedom to move freely as he wishes to. This is the fact that we all know. All his programmes are being made under the supervision of the Indian government. Those who are seeking his audience have to obtain prior permission from the Indian police authorities. For instance, we were also frisked before our meeting with him yesterday. There is no reason to protest since the security officials are carrying out their duty. So the police have knowledge about every detail of the offerings made to Gyalwang Karmapa and it is not that they know nothing about the matter. Owing to the remarkable deeds of the Karmapa lineage, it enjoys the trust and faith of followers and devotees from across the world such as Singapore, Thailand, and western countries and in Tibet who make offerings. In our society, he is one of the spiritual head of schools of Tibetan Buddhism, highly revered and respected by the Tibetan people. Personally, he has been concentrating on his spiritual studies, promotion of Buddhism and world peace, and protection of environment, thereby making great service to Tibet’s political and spiritual cause. Hence there is absolutely no need to doubt and there exist no ground for that to happen. We wish to make this clear.
Regarding the monastery’s financial management, Gyalwang Karmapa does not make detail inquiry about what and how much offerings are being presented to him on the throne by the devotees. “I do not interfere in these matters”, he told us yesterday. All the financial matters are managed by the administrative staff. Their lack of knowledge about legal procedures has led to the negligence in maintaining proper account of the money. On the matter which is not in line with the country’s law, we have to respect the result of the ongoing investigation being carried out by the Indian government. Otherwise, issues arising out of this matter to denigrate the reputation of Gyalwang Karmapa are completely baseless.
The Central Tibetan Administration and the Kashag are making efforts on its part to extend whatever necessary help and cooperation to Gyalwang Karmapa. Similarly, the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile firmly support the truth of the matter and we are ready to offer whatever necessary guidance and co-operation until the issues become clear.

Chinese journalist says he was fired for being too outspoken about Tibet, corruption
By Alexa Olesen (CP) – 20 hours ago
BEIJING, China – A Chinese journalist known for being critical of the government said Friday that he’s been fired by one of the country’s most daring media companies for refusing to tone down his writing, the latest sign of China’s tightening grip on press freedom.
Chang Ping, a former editor and columnist for publications owned by the Southern Media Group, said the dismissal wasn’t linked to any single piece of writing but rather his consistently critical tone.
China’s censors routinely scrub domestic news and online content of material they consider destabilizing or threatening to the communist leadership, but the Internet is so vast and porous that forbidden information increasingly gets through to the public. This has emboldened many Chinese journalists and publications to push the boundaries in their reporting, a trend the government is trying to contain.
Chang’s employer confirmed he had been let go but wouldn’t say why.
“Chang Ping’s contract expired and it was not renewed,” said a woman surnamed Deng who answered the phone at the Southern Metropolis Daily, one of the papers Chang used to write for. She said editors were too busy to be interviewed and that the paper had nothing more to add about the situation.
Chang, 42, drew fire from authorities and other domestic columnists in 2008 when he wrote an editorial saying that foreign media should be allowed to report firsthand on bloody ethnic riots in Tibet and advocating dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama. He’s also written about corruption and China’s need for greater political and personal freedoms.
Southern Media Group’s two main publications, Southern Metropolis Daily and Southern Weekend, stopped publishing his commentaries six months ago, he said.
The Guangzhou-based writer said that he thought his dismissal was part of a Chinese campaign against free speech and press that has intensified since jailed democracy activist Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in November.
“I am very angry that I’ve been punished for my words,” Chang said. “The bigger picture, the background is that I am not the only one. There have been other editors recently with other papers that have been dealt with as well.”
He cited two recent incidents documented by the Hong Kong-based China Media Project, which keeps track of media reform trends in mainland China. The first was the firing of Long Can, a journalist with the Chengdu Commercial Daily in Sichuan who was dismissed last week after writing about official negligence and influence peddling related to the botched rescue of a group of university students in a remote scenic area. Because of mishandling, a police officer died in the rescue.
He also pointed to a separate China Media Project report about Peng Xiaoyun, an editor with Time Weekly, who was forced into involuntary leave after his publication came out with a list of influential people that included a jailed Chinese food activist and several people who had signed Charter ’08, a bold call for political reform co-authored by Liu, the Nobel Prize winner.