His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama 90th Birthday Message

Dharamshala: On the occasion of my 90th birthday, I understand that well-wishers and friends in many places, including Tibetan communities, are gathering for celebrations. I particularly appreciate the fact that many of you are using the occasion to engage in initiatives that highlight the importance of compassion, warm-heartedness, and altruism.

I am just a simple Buddhist monk; I don’t normally engage in birthday celebrations. However, since you are organizing events focused on my birthday I wish to share some thoughts.

While it is important to work for material development, it is vital to focus on achieving peace of mind through cultivating a good heart and by being compassionate, not just toward near and dear ones, but toward everyone. Through this, you will contribute to making the world a better place.

As for myself, I will continue to focus on my commitments of promoting human values, religious harmony, drawing attention to the ancient Indian wisdom which explains the workings of mind and emotions, and Tibetan culture and heritage, which has so much potential to contribute to the world through its emphasis on peace of mind and compassion.

I develop determination and courage in my daily life through the teachings of the Buddha and Indian masters such as Shantideva, whose following aspiration I strive to uphold.

As long as space endures,
As long as sentient being remain,
Until then, may I too remain
To dispel the miseries of the world.

Thank you for using the opportunity of my birthday to cultivate peace of mind and compassion.

Tashi Deleg and with prayers,

Dalai Lama

5 July 2025

Be careful, they are watching you’: Tibet is silent as Dalai Lama turns 90

Laura Bicker China correspondent Reporting from Aba, Sichuan province

The BBC visited the Kirti monastery in Aba, which has long been the heart of Tibetan resistance to Beijing. Shrouded in crimson robes, prayer beads moving rhythmically past his fingers, the monk walks towards us. It is a risky decision.

We are being followed by eight unidentified men. Even saying a few words to us in public could get him in trouble. But he appears willing to take the chance. “Things here are not good for us,” he says quietly.

This monastery in China’s south-western Sichuan province has been at the centre of Tibetan resistance for decades – the world learned the name in the late 2000s as Tibetans set themselves on fire there in defiance of Chinese rule. Nearly two decades later, there are signs the Kirti monastery still worries Beijing.

A police station has been built inside the main entrance. It sits alongside a small dark room full of prayer wheels which squeak as they spin. Nests of surveillance cameras on thick steel poles surround the compound, scanning every corner. “They do not have a good heart; everyone can see it,” the monk adds. Then comes a warning. “Be careful, people are watching you.” As the men tailing us come running, the monk walks away.

Prayer wheels depict rich murals from the Buddha’s life inside the monastery

“They” are the Communist Party of China, which has now governed more than six million Tibetans for almost 75 years, ever since it annexed the region in 1950. China has invested heavily in the region, building new roads and railways to boost tourism and integrate it with the rest of the country. Tibetans who have fled say economic development also brought more troops and officials, chipping away at their faith and freedoms.

Beijing views Tibet as an integral part of China. It has labelled Tibet’s exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, as a separatist, and those who display his image or offer him public support could end up behind bars. Still, some in Aba, or Ngaba in Tibetan, which is home to the Kirti monastery, have gone to extreme measures to challenge these restrictions.

The town sits outside what China calls the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), created in 1965, comprising about half of the Tibetan plateau. But millions of Tibetans live outside of TAR – and consider the rest as part of their homeland. Aba has long played a crucial role. Protests erupted here during the Tibet-wide uprising of 2008 after, by some accounts, a monk held up a photo of the Dalai Lama inside the Kirti monastery. It eventually escalated into a riot and Chinese troops opened fire. At least 18 Tibetans were killed in this tiny town.

As Tibet rose up in protest, it often turned into violent clashes with Chinese paramilitary. Beijing claims 22 people died, while Tibetan groups in exile put the number at around 200.

In the years that followed there were more than 150 self-immolations calling for the return of the Dalai Lama – most of them happened in or around Aba. It earned the main street a grim moniker: Martyr’s row. China has cracked down harder since, making it nearly impossible to determine what is happening in Tibet or Tibetan areas. The information that does emerge comes from those who have fled abroad, or the government-in-exile in India.

Tibetan monasteries are closely surveilled because of the influence they still wield

To find out a little more, we returned to the monastery the next day before dawn. We snuck past our minders and hiked our way back to Aba for the morning prayers. The monks gathered in their yellow hats, a symbol of the Gelug school of Buddhism. Low sonorous chanting resonated through the hall as ritual smoke lingered in the still, humid air. Around 30 local men and women, most in traditional Tibetan long-sleeved jackets, sat cross-legged until a small bell chimed to end the prayer.

“The Chinese government has poisoned the air in Tibet. It is not a good government,” one monk told us. “We Tibetans are denied basic human rights. The Chinese government continues to oppress and persecute us. It is not a government that serves the people.” He gave no details, and our conversations were brief to avoid detection. Still, it is rare to hear these voices.

The question of Tibet’s future has taken on urgency with the Dalai Lama turning 90 this week. Hundreds of followers have been gathering in the Indian town of Dharamshala to honour him. He announced the much-anticipated succession plan on Wednesday, reaffirming what he has said before: the next Dalai Lama would be chosen after his death. Tibetans everywhere have reacted – with relief, doubt or anxiety – but not those in the Dalai Lama’s homeland, where even the whisper of his name is forbidden.

Beijing has spoken loud and clear: the next reincarnation of the Dalai Lama will be in China, and approved by the Chinese Communist Party. Tibet, however, has been silent. “That’s just the way it is,” the monk told us. “That’s the reality.”

The road to Aba winds slowly for nearly 500km (300 miles) from the Sichuan capital of Chengdu. It passes through the snow-packed peaks of Siguniang Mountain before it reaches the rolling grassland at the edge of the Himalayan plateau.

The gold, sloping rooftops of Buddhist temples shimmer every few miles as they catch especially sharp sunlight. This is the roof of the world where traffic gives way to yak herders on horseback whistling to reluctant, grunting cattle, as eagles circle above.

There are two worlds underneath this Himalayan sky, where heritage and faith have collided with the Party’s demand for unity and control.

China has long maintained that Tibetans are free to practise their faith. But that faith is also the source of a centuries-old identity, which human rights groups say Beijing is slowly eroding. They claim that countless Tibetans have been detained for staging peaceful protests, promoting the Tibetan language, or even possessing a portrait of the Dalai Lama.

Many Tibetans, inlcuding some we spoke to within the Kirti monastery, are concerned about new laws governing the education of Tibetan children. All under-18s must now attend Chinese state-run schools and learn Mandarin. They cannot study Buddhist scriptures in a monastery class until they are 18 years old – and they must “love the country and the religion and follow national laws and regulations”. This is a huge change for a community where monks were often recruited as children, and monasteries doubled up as schools for most boys.

The Chinese national flag above the Kirti monastery: the Party’s ambitions have clashed with the Tibetan faith, which underpins their identity

“One of the nearby Buddhist institutions was torn down by the government a few months ago,” a monk in his 60s told us in Aba, from under an umbrella as he walked to prayers in the rain. “It was a preaching school,” he added, becoming emotional.

The new rules follow a 2021 order for all schools in Tibetan areas, including kindergartens, to teach in the Chinese language. Beijing says this gives Tibetan children a better shot at jobs in a country where the main language is Mandarin. But such regulations could have a “profound effect” on the future of Tibetan Buddhism, according to renowned scholar Robert Barnett. “We are moving to a scenario of the Chinese leader Xi Jinping having total control – towards an era of little information getting into Tibet, little Tibetan language being shared,” Mr Barnett says. “Schooling will almost entirely be about Chinese festivals, Chinese virtues, advanced Chinese traditional culture. We are looking at the complete management of intellectual input.”

The road to Aba shows off the money Beijing has pumped into this remote corner of the world. A new high-speed railway line hugs the hills linking Sichuan to other provinces on the plateau. In Aba, the usual high-street shop fronts selling monks’ robes and bundles of incense are joined by new hotels, cafes and restaurants to entice tourists.

Aba’s ancient monasteries are now drawing more Chinese tourists

“How do they get anything done all day?” one tourist wonders aloud. Others turn the prayer wheels excitedly and ask about the rich, colourful murals depicting scenes from the Buddha’s life. A party slogan written on the roadside boasts that “people of all ethnic groups are united as closely as seeds in a pomegranate”. But it’s hard to miss the pervasive surveillance. A hotel check-in requires facial recognition. Even buying petrol requires several forms of identification which are shown to high-definition cameras. China has long controlled what information its citizens have access to – but in Tibetan areas, the grip is even tighter. Tibetans, Mr Barnett says, are “locked off from the outside world”.

It’s hard to say how many of them know about the Dalai Lama’s announcement on Wednesday – broadcast to the world, it was censored in China. Living in exile in India since 1959, the 14th Dalai Lama has advocated for more autonomy, rather than full independence, for his homeland. Beijing believes he “has no right to represent the Tibetan people”.

He handed over political authority in 2011 to a government-in-exile chosen democratically by 130,000 Tibetans globally – and that government has had back-channel talks this year with China about the succession plan, but it’s unclear if they have progressed.

The Dalai Lama has previously suggested that his successor would be from “the free world”, that is, outside China. On Wednesday, he said “no one else has any authority to interfere”. This sets the stage for a confrontation with Beijing, which has said the process should “follow religious rituals and historical customs, and be handled in accordance with national laws and regulations”.

Tibetans in China have very restricted access to information – especially if it has to do with the Dalai Lama. Beijing is already doing the groundwork to convince the Tibetans, Mr Barnett says.

“There is already a huge propaganda apparatus in place. The Party has been sending teams to offices, schools and villages to teach people about the ‘new regulations’ for choosing a Dalai Lama.” When the Panchen Lama, the second highest authority in Tibetan Buddhism, died in 1989, the Dalai Lama identified a successor to that post in Tibet. But the child disappeared. Beijing was accused of kidnapping him, although it insists that boy, now an adult, is safe. It then approved a different Panchen Lama, who Tibetans outside China do not recognise.

If there are two Dalai Lamas, it could become a test of China’s powers of persuasion. Which one will the world recognise? More important, would most Tibetans in China even know of the other Dalai Lama? China wants a credible successor – but perhaps no one too credible. Because, Mr Barnett says, Beijing “wants to turn the lion of Tibetan culture into a poodle”. “It wants to remove things it perceives as risky and replace them with things it believes Tibetans ought to be thinking about; patriotism, loyalty, fealty. They like the singing and dancing – the Disney version of Tibetan culture.”

“We don’t know how much will survive,” Mr Barnett concludes.

Many Tibetans believe their way of life is being eroded by Chinese control…despite all their efforts to hold on to it

As we leave the monastery, a line of women carrying heavy baskets filled with tools for construction or farming walk through the room of prayer wheels, spinning them clockwise.

They sing in Tibetan and smile as they pass, their greying, pleated hair only just visible under their sun hats. Tibetans have clung on to their identity for 75 years now, fighting for it and dying for it.

The challenge now will be to protect it, even when the man who embodies their beliefs – and their resistance – is gone.

Dalai Lama vows he won’t be the last leader of Tibetan Buddhism

Wed July 2, 2025

Dharamshala, India/Hong Kong CNN  —

The Dalai Lama has announced that he will have a successor after his death, continuing a centuries-old tradition that has become a flashpoint in the struggle with China’s Communist Party over Tibet’s future.

Tibetan Buddhism’s spiritual leader made the declaration on Wednesday in a video message to religious elders gathering in Dharamshala, India, where the Nobel Peace laureate has lived since fleeing Tibet after a failed uprising against Chinese communist rule in 1959.

“I am affirming that the institution of the Dalai Lama will continue,” the Dalai Lama said in the pre-recorded video, citing requests he received over the years from Tibetans and Tibetan Buddhists urging him to do so.

“The Gaden Phodrang Trust has sole authority to recognize the future reincarnation; no one else has any such authority to interfere in this matter,” he added, using the formal name for the office of the Dalai Lama.

The office should carry out the procedures of search and recognition of the future dalai lama “in accordance with past tradition,” he said, without revealing further details on the process.

The Dalai Lama has previously stated that when he is about 90 years old, he will consult the high lamas of Tibetan Buddhism and the Tibetan public to re-evaluate whether the institution of the dalai lama should continue.

Wednesday’s announcement – delivered days before his 90th birthday this Sunday – sets the stage for a high-stakes battle over his succession, between Tibetan leaders in exile and China’s atheist Communist Party, which insists it alone holds the authority to approve the next dalai lama.

In a memoir published in March, the Dalai Lama states that his successor will be born in the “free world” outside China, urging his followers to reject any candidate selected by Beijing.

That could lead to the emergence of two rival dalai lamas: one chosen by his predecessor, the other by the Chinese Communist Party, experts say.

“Both the Tibetan exile community and the Chinese government want to influence the future of Tibet, and they see the next Dalai Lama as the key to do so,” said Ruth Gamble, an expert in Tibetan history at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia.

Samdhong Rinpoche, a senior official at the Dalai Lama’s office, told reporters on Wednesday that any further information about the procedures or methods of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation would not be revealed to the public until the succession takes place. 

 Struggle over succession

Over a lifetime in exile, the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, has become synonymous with Tibet and its quest for genuine autonomy under Beijing’s tightening grip on the Himalayan region.

From his adopted hometown of Dharamshala, where he established a government-in-exile, the spiritual leader has unified Tibetans at home and in exile and elevated their plight onto the global stage.

That has made the Dalai Lama a persistent thorn in the side of Beijing, which denounces him as a dangerous “separatist” and a “wolf in monk’s robes.”

Since the 1970s, the Dalai Lama has maintained that he no longer seeks full independence for Tibet, but “meaningful” autonomy that would allow Tibetans to preserve their distinct culture, religion and identity. His commitment to the nonviolent “middle way” approach has earned him international support and the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989.

The Dalai Lama has long been wary of Beijing’s attempt to meddle with the reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism.

Tibetan Buddhists believe in the circle of rebirth, and that when an enlightened spiritual master like the Dalai Lama dies, he will be able to choose the place and time of his rebirth through the force of compassion and prayer.

But the religious tradition has increasingly become a battleground for the control of Tibetan hearts and minds, especially since the contested reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, the second-highest figure in the religion.

In 1995, years after the death of the 10th Panchen Lama, Beijing installed its own panchen lama in defiance of the Dalai Lama, whose pick for the role – a six-year-old boy – has since vanished from public view.

Under Tibetan tradition, the dalai lamas and the panchen lamas have long played key roles in recognizing each other’s reincarnations. Experts believe Beijing will seek to interfere in the current Dalai Lama’s succession in a similar way.

“There’s a whole series of high-level reincarnated lamas cultivated by the Chinese government to work with it inside Tibet. (Beijing) will call on all of those to help establish the Dalai Lama that they pick inside Tibet,” Gamble said. “There’s been a long-term plan to work toward this.”

Beijing has repeatedly said that the reincarnation of all Living Buddhas – or high-ranking lamas in Tibetan Buddhism – must comply with Chinese laws and regulations, with search and identification conducted in China and approved by the central government.

A “resolution of gratitude” statement released by Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders gathering in Dharamshala on Wednesday said they “strongly condemn the People’s Republic of China’s usage of reincarnation subject for their political gain” and “will never accept it.”

For his part, the current Dalai Lama has made clear that any candidate appointed by Beijing will hold no legitimacy in the eyes of Tibetans or followers of Tibetan Buddhism.

“It is totally inappropriate for Chinese Communists, who explicitly reject religion, including the idea of past and future lives, to meddle in the system of reincarnation of lamas, let alone that of the Dalai Lama,” he writes in his latest memoir, “Voice for the Voiceless.”

Indian pilgrims cross Chinese border into Tibet as relations thaw

The Kailash Manasarovar pilgrimage has long served as a bellwether for the level of tensions between the world’s two most populous countries.

June 21, 2025 at 8:51 a.m

Mount Kailash, seen in 2017, is a site Hindus believe to be the dwelling of the deity Lord Shiva. (Christoph Mohr/Picture-alliance/DPA/AP)

By Joshua Yang

A religious pilgrimage from India into China facilitated by both governments has resumed for the first time in five years — the latest sign of a cautious thaw in the contentious relationship between the world’s two most populous nations.

The first batch of Indian pilgrims taking part in the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra — named for the two Tibetan sacred sites the route traverses — left New Delhi on Sunday morning and crossed the mountainous border into China’s Tibet Autonomous Region on Friday. The group of roughly 40 pilgrims acclimatized to the high Himalayan altitudes in the northern Indian state of Sikkim before setting off for a cross-border mountain pass 14,000 feet above sea level. The pilgrimage is set to conclude June 27 at Tibet’s Manasarovar Lake, in the shadow of Mount Kailash, a site Hindus believe to be the dwelling of the deity Lord Shiva. The sites are also sacred to adherents of other religions, including Buddhism and Jainism.

Upender Rao, 64, a lawyer from Hyderabad in southern India, considers himself “most fortunate” to be one of 750 pilgrims chosen by lottery to take part in the trip, which India’s Foreign Ministry planned meticulously. “I am a devotee of Lord Shiva,” so “I want to see the world of Lord Shiva,” he said in a phone interview. “That’s my dream.” It is a dream that Rao has had to put on hold for the past five years. The 2020 pilgrimage was canceled because of the coronavirus pandemic, and subsequent pilgrimages were halted after June 2020, when Chinese and Indian soldiers clashed over disputed territory high in the Himalayas. At least four Chinese and 20 Indian soldiers died in the conflicts, which both sides fought without modern weapons in an apparent effort to avoid escalation.

The Kailash Manasarovar pilgrimage has long served as a bellwether for the state of relations between India and China, which have clashed sporadically for six decades along a disputed, 2,100-mile-long (3,400-kilometer-long) land border stretching from central Asia to the edges of Southeast Asia.

An Indian soldier stands near the Nathu La border crossing between India and China, which is near the Sikkim state capital of Gangtok, on July 4, 2006. 

The border is not the only politically fraught area the pilgrims traverse: Beijing imposes tight restrictions on religious freedom in Tibet, which China annexed in 1951 over the objections of India. Since 1959, India has hosted the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan Buddhist religious leader, and the Tibetan government in exile. The pilgrimage, which crosses into Tibet, could inflame those sensitivities. According to Rao, the Indian Foreign Ministry’s predeparture briefing warned the pilgrims not to praise or talk about the Dalai Lama.

Cooperation to facilitate the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra dates to the mid-20th century, when the pilgrimage was brought up during talks to settle a boundary line between the two countries.

In the resulting 1954 Sino-Indian agreement, the logistics of the pilgrimage were settled — but the location of the border was not. As tensions mounted over disputed territory, China invaded India in 1962. China’s decisive victory in the subsequent war brought China-India relations, and the pilgrimage, to a halt. Nearly two decades later in 1981, a new generation of Chinese and Indian leaders negotiated to reopen the pilgrimage, talks that served as a precursor to negotiating a full renormalization of ties in 1988. Still, the countries failed to agree on a boundary line, and tense border standoffs — in 1987, 2013, 2014, 2015, and 2017 — remained a mainstay of India-China relations.

After the clashes of 2020, which brought the bilateral relationship to its lowest point in four decades, China sealed the Tibetan border with India, while India banned 59 Chinese-made apps — including TikTok — and vowed to become self-reliant and separate itself from Chinese imports. India also increased its security engagement with the Quad, the informal diplomatic grouping of the United States, India, Japan and Australia, in a move toward countering Chinese power and influence.

At the same time, India and China have both backed away from further aggression. “There’s always a risk of unintended clashes” at the border, said Ashok Kantha, the Indian ambassador to China from 2014 to 2016. “I don’t think either side would like that to happen. Finding a modus vivendi, even though we may have our different interests that are not always convergent, is most desirable.” Since the nadir of June 2020 — and minor clashes in 2021 and 2022 — the India-China relationship has shown signs of a slow recovery. Last October, the two sides announced an agreement to resume regular border patrols and committed “to bring the relationship back to sound and steady development at an early date,” the Chinese Foreign Ministry said in a statement. Visits between top officials, including Chinese leader Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, followed. Beijing and New Delhi both have touted the restoration of the Kailash Manasarovar pilgrimage as one of the chief diplomatic breakthroughs to emerge from the rapprochement. China hopes the pilgrims will not only be “spiritually enriched but also enjoy hospitality of Chinese people,” Yu Jing, the spokeswoman of the Chinese Embassy in Delhi, said in a social media post. “From our side, there was interest” in resuming the pilgrimage, “because this resonates quite strongly at the popular level,” said Kantha, who worked on expanding pilgrimage routes during his tenure as ambassador. “The number of pilgrims is relatively small, but there is sentimental value attached to” the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra.Yet an agreement such as this is “low-hanging fruit,” Kantha cautioned. The major geopolitical questions in the India-China relationship remain unresolved: Although last October’s agreement re-established buffer zones along the border, no progress has been made on demarcating the boundary line between the two countries, and there has yet to be a drawdown from the high number of soldiers deployed to the border region by both sides since 2020. The India-China relationship was further strained during last month’s India-Pakistan clashes, which saw Pakistan using Chinese-made jets to shoot down Indian warplanes. Beijing’s implicit support for its longtime ally during the conflict “was not very helpful,” Kantha said. “The level of deference between China-Pakistan came to the fore and created serious misgivings in India. I don’t think that has helped us rebuild relations.” Normalizing relations “will be easier said than done,” said Chietigj Bajpaee, a senior research fellow at Chatham House who specializes in Asian affairs. “The resumption of the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra is more symbolism than substance given the bad blood in the bilateral relationship.” For all the high-level geopolitics at play, though, Rao was pleasantly surprised to encounter a more personal reality on the ground. The pilgrims spent their first night in China at Kangma, a village some 100 miles (about 161 kilometers) behind the border, and met Tibetans for the first time. “Their hospitality is very good,” Rao said.

China-appointed Panchen Lama vows to make Tibetan Buddhism more Chinese in meeting with Xi Jinping

The Chinese government-selected 11th Panchen Lama Gyaincain Norbu at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on March 4, 2024.

The Chinese government-selected 11th Panchen Lama Gyaincain Norbu at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on March 4, 2024. 

A young Tibetan controversially appointed by China’s atheist Communist Party as the second-highest spiritual leader in Tibetan Buddhism has pledged to make the religion more Chinese. Gyaltsen Norbu was installed by Beijing as the 11th Panchen Lama in 1995 in defiance of the religion’s highest authority the Dalai Lama, whose pick for the role — a six-year-old boy — has since vanished from public view. China has yet to reveal any information on the whereabouts of the missing boy. The Beijing-appointed Panchen Lama is dismissed as an imposter by many Tibetans at home and in exile, but he is often quoted in China’s state-run media toeing the Communist Party’s line and praising its policies in Tibet.

In a rare meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing on Friday, Gyaltsen Norbu vowed to make his own contributions to promoting ethnic unity and systematically advancing “the sinicization of religion,” state news agency Xinhua reported. The remarks refer to a sweeping campaign unleashed by Xi with an aim to purge religious faiths of foreign influence and align them more closely with traditional Chinese culture – and the authoritarian rule of the officially atheist Communist Party.

Gyaltsen Norbu also vowed to keep Xi’s teachings firmly in mind, resolutely support the party’s leadership and firmly safeguard national unity and ethnic solidarity, according to Xinhua.

He was told by Xi to carry forward the “patriotic and religious traditions” of Tibetan Buddhism and contribute to fostering “a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation,” Xinhua reported. The meeting comes on the 30th year of the disappearance of the Dalai Lama appointed Panchen Lama.

Following the 1989 death of the 10th Panchen Lama, the second most important figure in Tibetan Buddhism, the Dalai Lama named Tibetan child Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as his colleague’s reincarnation. But three days after he was chosen, according to the US government, Gedhun and his family were disappeared by the Communist Party, which then appointed an alternative Panchen Lama. Gedhun hasn’t been seen in public since.

Tibetans stand next to a portrait showing the last know image of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, on April 25, 2017 in Mcleodganj near Dharamsala, India.

Two women place a ceremonial scarf above a portrait showing the last know image of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, in Mcleodganj near Dharamsala, India, on April 25, 2017. 

In a statement marking that anniversary, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio denounced Chinese authorities for “abducting” him and his family. He called on Beijing to immediately release Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and “stop persecuting Tibetans for their religious beliefs.”

In 2020, the Chinese government publicly acknowledged the fate of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima for the first time, describing him as “a college graduate with a job,” and that neither he nor his family wished to be disturbed in their “current normal lives.”

Meanwhile, Gyaltsen Norbu has occupied an increasingly high-profile role since becoming an adult, joining a top Chinese political body, often appearing at important events in Beijing and meeting large crowds in the Tibetan regions of China.

Tourists take in the view of blooming peach blossoms against a backdrop of snow-capped peaks at Gala Village, near the city of Nyingchi, Tibet.

Related articleLetter from Tibet: A breathtaking journey through the tightly guarded spiritual heartland

The contested appointment of the Panchen Lama is widely seen by experts and the Tibetan exile community as Beijing’s attempt to pave the way for the passing – and reincarnation – of the Dalai Lama, who has lived in exile since fleeing to India following a failed Tibetan uprising against Communist Party rule in 1959.

For decades, the Dalai Lama has been a persistent thorn in Beijing’s side as he commanded the loyalty of many Tibetan people from exile and kept their struggle for greater autonomy alive on the world stage. Chinese officials have condemned the Nobel Peace Prize laureate as a “separatist” and a “wolf in monk’s robes.” The Dalai Lama has said he will release details about his succession around his 90th birthday in July. In his latest book, “Voice for the Voiceless,” the Dalai Lama said his successor will be born in the “free world,” which he described as outside China.

Beijing has insisted it will choose his successor – as well as the reincarnation of all Tibetan Buddhist lamas, but the Dalai Lama and his supporters have said that any successor named by China would not be respected.

Scottish Government Maintains “Tibetan Buddhist Community Should Have the Right to Choose the Next Dalai Lama Without External Interference”

Dharamshala: The Scottish Government has reaffirmed its support for religious freedom and human rights for the Tibetan people, particularly on the issue of the reincarnation of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.

During the session of the Scottish Parliament on 22 May 2025, a Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP), Ross Greer, raised questions regarding the Scottish government’s plans to commemorate the upcoming 90th birthday of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with Buddhist community in Scotland and concerns around Chinese interference in the reincarnation.

In response, the Minister for Equalities, Kaukab Stewart, expressed the Scottish Government’s deep appreciation for the contributions of all faith and belief communities in Scotland, including Buddhists. She extended warm wishes to His Holiness and the Buddhist community, recognising their role in fostering peace, compassion, and cultural diversity throughout the country.

MSP Ross Greer also drew attention to the Chinese government’s abduction of the six-year-old Panchen Lama 30 years ago and the subsequent installation of another boy in in his place. MSP Greer voiced concerns widely shared among Tibetans that similar interference may be attempted in the future regarding the reincarnation of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. He questioned whether the Scottish Government would commit to recognising only a future Dalai Lama chosen in accordance with Tibetan Buddhist traditions and teachings, free from foreign interference.

Hon’ble Minister Kaukab Stewart stressed, “The Scottish Government supports the principals of religious freedom and human rights. It believes that the Tibetan Buddhist community should have the right to choose the next Dalai Lama without external interference.”

Department of Information and International Relations

Central Tibetan Administration

Dharamsala, Distt. Kangra (H.P.)

176215 India

Letter from Tibet: A breathtaking journey through the tightly guarded spiritual heartland

CNN’s Steven Jiang in front of the Potala Palace.

CNN’s Steven Jiang in front of the Potala Palace. 

Steven Jiang

By Steven Jiang, CNN Thu May 1, 2025

A “no photograph upon landing” announcement punctured the serene silence of the cabin as I gazed at the snow-capped peaks outside our airplane window, a stark reminder that we were entering a land of profound beauty and immense political sensitivity. Our Air China flight from Beijing carried not just my cameraman and me, but also about two dozen other foreign journalists, all accompanied by a team of Chinese officials. We were headed to Tibet, a place where access is as guarded as its ancient treasures. We usually avoid government-organized media tours, wary of the predictable agendas and restrictions. Yet, for Tibet, there is no alternative. The Tibetan Autonomous Region remains the only place in China where all foreigners – especially foreign journalists – are barred entry without prior authorization. Our requests to report from the ground have mostly been met with polite, but firm denials – including in January, when a powerful earthquake struck the region, killing more than 120 people.

For centuries, Tibet was mostly independent from China – with the Tibetans possessing ethnic, linguistic and religious identities starkly different from those of the Han Chinese. On a few occasions in history, Tibet fell under the rule of emperors in Beijing, most recently during the Qing dynasty starting in the 18th Century. After the 1912 collapse of Qing, China’s last imperial dynasty, Tibet enjoyed de facto independence though it was never recognized by China or much of the international community. The Communist forces, emerging victorious from a bloody Chinese civil war, marched into Tibet in 1950 and formally annexed it into the newly founded People’s Republic of China the following year. Beijing has maintained a tight grip on the Himalayan region since the 14th Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual leader, fled to India in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule. In the decades since, the Communist Party has swiftly cracked down on any unrest and enforced policies that critics say are intended to weaken the Tibetan identity.

Landing in late March at Gonggar Airport, one of the world’s highest at nearly 12,000 feet, just outside the Tibetan capital Lhasa, the thin air was an immediate signal to slow down as breathing grew labored and a headache began to develop. Stepping into Tibet, long known as “the roof of the world,” was an immersion into a different rhythm of life, dictated by the altitude’s power.

It had been 16 years since my last visit, a journey cut short by altitude sickness. This time, armed with ibuprofen, I was determined to document the changes that had swept through Tibet – or rather, “Xizang,” the new official English name adopted by authorities and indicated in our schedule. The moniker – transliterated from the Chinese name for the region – is a linguistic battleground reflecting deeper geopolitical tensions between Beijing and critics of its Tibet policy.

En route from the gleaming airport terminal to our hotel in Lhasa, the nearly empty freeway and unoccupied high-rise apartments spoke to China’s massive investments in developing infrastructure in Tibet. The region is still the country’s poorest with the lowest life expectancy. Imposing portraits of China’s top leader Xi Jinping, alongside another picture featuring him and his four predecessors, dotted the highway and adorned almost every public building, an omnipresent emphasis on loyalty to the ruling Communist Party.

This overt display echoed the main themes – ethnic harmony and common prosperity – reinforced on every foreign media trip to Tibet, ours included. The weeklong itinerary was a curated mix: a high-profile press conference (on human rights achievements in Tibet), economic success stories (at, among others, the “world’s highest cookware factory”), tourist hotspots (ranging from yak farms to peach blossom fields) and cultural spectacles (culminating in a lavishly produced outdoor musical retelling the saga of the most famous Chinese-Tibetan royal marriage in the 7th Century).

On the streets of Lhasa, banners and posters celebrated the 66th anniversary of the “liberation of a million Tibetans from feudal serfdom” – the official description of pre-Communist-takeover Tibet. Perhaps due to the controlled access to Tibet and China’s extensive high-tech surveillance network, I didn’t notice visible heavy security – even around temples and other sensitive sites.

A banner promoting patriotic education on the bustling Barkhor Street in Lhasa, where shops stand next to a police station.

A banner promoting patriotic education on the bustling Barkhor Street in Lhasa, where shops stand next to a police station. 

Huge portraits of Chinese leader Xi Jinping adorn the windows of a nursing home in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.

Huge portraits of Chinese leader Xi Jinping adorn the windows of a nursing home in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital. 

Tourists flock to the bustling Barkhor Street in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.

Tourists flock to the bustling Barkhor Street in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital. 

A spiritual destination

The region hasn’t seen any major unrest in more than a decade. The last flareup in the early 2010s involved a string of self-immolation incidents that critics called a desperate cry against the Chinese government’s ever-tightening grip on Tibetan society. Since then, Tibet has seen an unprecedented surge in tourism, predominantly from mainland China with visitors flocking to the region for spiritual exploration. A record 64 million people visited Tibet in 2024, according to government records – a more than tenfold increase from the roughly 6 million visitors in 2010. Although March wasn’t peak season for Tibet travel, domestic visitors crowded tourist attractions. Clad in traditional local costumes and posing on Lhasa’s bustling centuries-old Barkhor Street, Chinese tourists often seemed to outnumber Tibetan pilgrims, who prostrated themselves on the stone ground and walked clockwise around temples while spinning hand-held prayer wheels – under the curious gaze of selfie stick-wielding onlookers. If not for the picture-perfect backdrop of golden roofs of Buddhist temples – surrounded by majestic mountains and glistening in abundant sunshine – Lhasa could sometimes look like just another small city in China, especially outside its historical center.

Alongside gift shops and supermarkets, Sichuan restaurants dotted almost every street corner – a testament to the popularity of the Chinese cuisine as much as the main origin of Han migration from the neighboring province into Tibet – long said to be a source of tension between the two ethnic groups over perceived economic inequality. A smattering of foreign tourists had also reappeared following the post-pandemic re-opening of Tibet, including a group at our hotel, an InterContinental property. Western brands – from major hotels to fast-food chains – appear to operate in Tibet without notable protests or criticisms of the past. The undisputed top tourist attraction in Lhasa remains the Potala Palace, the former winter residence of the Dalai Lamas, spiritual leaders of Tibetan Buddhism, until the current holder of that position was forced into exile.

Now living in Dharamsala, India, and revered globally as a Nobel peace laureate, the 14th Dalai Lama is labeled by the Chinese government as a “wolf in monk’s robes” and an “anti-China separatist” – despite his declaration that he seeks only genuine autonomy, not independence, for his homeland. More than two million people visited the Potala last year, paying up to $27 to tour the sprawling structure. While guides offered details on the architecture and the palace’s storied history, the current Dalai Lama was conspicuously absent from the narrative, especially his recent pronouncement that his successor, or reincarnation, must be born “in the free world” – meaning outside China.

When questioned, monks and officials in Tibet parroted Beijing’s official party line: “The reincarnation of each Dalai Lama must be approved by the central government and the search must take place within China,” Gongga Zhaxi with the Potala Palace administration told me. “That the reincarnation should be recognized by the central government has been settled for many years,” echoed La Ba, a senior monk at Jokhang Temple, the holiest in Tibetan Buddhism. Their response – in line with Xi’s increasing emphasis on “Sinicizing religions” in the country – contrasted with a memorable and unexpected moment from my 2009 trip. At Jokhang Temple, a young monk told me that, as a faithful Tibetan Buddhist, he recognized and respected the Dalai Lama – before being whisked away by officials.

The Tibetan government-in-exile in India dismissed the stance on the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation proclaimed by the officially atheist Chinese government, stressing that “His Holiness is the only legitimate soul who can decide.” The prospect of the process going smoothly seems to have all but vanished – after Beijing forced the disappearance in 1995 of a young boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the new Panchen Lama, Tibet’s second-highest spiritual figure who traditionally plays a leading role in the search for the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation. The boy, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, who has never been seen since, is a college graduate who leads a normal life, according to a Chinese government spokesman in 2020. Despite denunciations by the Dalai Lama and his supporters, Beijing has installed its own Panchen Lama – triggering a three-decade-old dispute that continues to loom large, a sobering reminder of the stakes at play.

The only bullet train operating in Tibet runs between Lhasa, the regional capital, and the city of Nyingchi. Qingzang Railway, CNN

High in the Himalayas

Our journey continued via Tibet’s only bullet train service, a marvel of engineering designed to withstand the harsh climate of the Tibetan Plateau. As the train sped through tunnels and over bridges at 10,000 feet above sea level, the landscape unfolded in breathtaking panoramas as we sat in carriages equipped with automated oxygen supply systems and special windows resistant to the area’s high UV levels. Yet, this 435-kilometer rail link between Lhasa and the eastern Tibetan city of Nyingchi is more than just a mode of transportation – it is a symbol of China’s ambition to integrate this remote region with its distinct culture into the mainstream. In Nyingchi, we visited a public boarding school – a hot topic as both the Dalai Lama and UN experts have voiced concerns over intensifying assimilation of Tibetans. About a million Tibetan children from rural areas have been reportedly sent to these government-run schools, where the language of instruction is allegedly almost exclusively Chinese, and living conditions are said to be cramped. “All of our efforts have effectively safeguarded Tibetan children’s right to receive a high-quality education,” said Xu Zhitao, vice chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region, when I asked about the controversy surrounding the schools.

Tourists take in the view of blooming peach blossoms against a backdrop of snow-capped peaks at Gala Village, near the city of Nyingchi, Tibet.

Tourists take in the view of blooming peach blossoms against a backdrop of snow-capped peaks at Gala Village, near the city of Nyingchi, Tibet. 

Eighth-grade students take a Tibetan-language class at Bayi District Middle School in Nyingchi, Tibet.

Eighth-grade students take a Tibetan-language class at Bayi District Middle School in Nyingchi, Tibet. 

The only bullet train operating in Tibet at the railway station in Nyingchi, the final stop on the service originating from Lhasa, the Tibetan capital.

The only bullet train operating in Tibet at the railway station in Nyingchi, the final stop on the service originating from Lhasa, the Tibetan capital. 

Tibetan yaks graze at a tourist farm outside the city of Nyingchi, Tibet.

Tibetan yaks graze at a tourist farm outside the city of Nyingchi, Tibet. At Bayi District Junior High, most of the 1,200 students were Tibetan – some we talked to said they took an equal number of lessons in their native tongue and Mandarin. A group of giggling Tibetan eighth-graders spoke proudly of their culture and traditions – but when asked about Tibetan Buddhism and the Dalai Lama, they became hesitant to answer and their voices trailed off. Young or old, people showed they knew the boundaries that could not be crossed. With growing tensions between Beijing and Washington, China’s uneasy relations with its neighbor India – a key US partner – has made Tibet even more strategically important as the two Asian powers jostle for territory and influence in the far-flung area. Controversial infrastructure projects and even bloody military clashes have marred their disputed border region in recent years. But a more pressing concern for both Beijing and New Delhi is perhaps the inevitable passing of the 14th Dalai Lama, who turns 90 in July. If a scenario of “dueling Dalai Lamas” were to emerge as a result of China’s policy, it could shake the foundation of Tibetan religion and society – potentially unleashing fresh anger or even instability – in the high Himalayas.

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation

Between 24 February 2025 and 4 April 2025, the UNPO actively engaged with the United Nations Human Rights Council’s 58th Session on behalf of its members. Over the course of the Session, the UNPO attended numerous side events focused on human rights in Iran, China, Russia and the need to preserve democracy; celebrated the Kurdish New Year with the Association for Human Rights in Kurdistan-Geneva and the Administrative Council of the City of Geneva; stood in solidarity with the Sindh defending rivers and the right to water; and reconnected with a former UNPO founding member, Palau (previous Belau).

Side Event on Human Rights in China

The UNPO was grateful to attend a side event on Human Rights in China, chaired by the Society for Threatened Peoples. The panel featured representatives from Tibet, the Dalai Lama’s Envoy in Geneva, Dolkun Isa, former President of the World Uyghur Congress, a survivor of the reeducation camps in East Turkestan, and human rights activists fighting against the persecution of the Falun Gong practitioners in China. The event served as a stark reinforcement of the continued severe human rights violations against minorities in China, highlighting the necessity of continued civil society and State action to remedy this dire situation. 

Dutch Parliament Champions Tibetan Rights with Landmark Resolution

Brussels: The Dutch House of Representatives’ passage of a resolution encompassing three motions on Tibet on 15 April 2025, marks a significant development after a prolonged period. This resolution underscores the Netherland’s commitment to addressing human rights issues in Tibet.

The keys motions of the resolution are the following:

  1. Noting that China commits human rights violations on a frequent basis and in particular, religious and ethnic minorities (such as Uyghurs, Tibetans, Mongols and others), are subjected to discrimination, harassment, criminalisation, re-education and imprisonment.
  2. Calls on the Cabinet to push for an EU Special Representative for Tibet and a joint EU-Tibet strategy, along the lines of the US “Resole Tibet Act” and to inform the Chamber about this prior to the planned EU-China Summit.
  3. Noting that the Dalai Lama will celebrate his 90th birthday this year which has sparked conversation about his successor as head of the Tibetan Buddhism; whereas there are concerns among Tibetans and the Tibetan government-in-exile about the interference by the Chinese Communist Party in the appointment of a successor; believing that interference in Tibetans’ customs regarding their spiritual leader is undesirable; Speaks out that the Chinese Communist Party should not have a voice in the Dalai Lama’s succession; Requests the cabinet to express this signal in bilateral and multilateral forums.

The motions likely reflect a growing international concern over the situation in Tibet. In October 2024, Sikyong Penpa Tsering of the Central Tibetan Administration visited the Netherlands. During the visit, he was invited to a formal hearing of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Parliament which provided the opportunity to engage with Dutch lawmakers on important issues such as China’s ongoing repression in Tibet, Chinese interference in the reincarnation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama etc. This exchange influenced the Dutch House of Representatives to take action with this resolution.

Additionally, on the margins of the “Fifth Europe Stands With Tibet” rally in The Hague on 10 March 2025, Richard Gere, Chairman of the International Campaign for Tibet, accompanied by a Tibetan delegation, including Representative Rigzin Genkhang of the Office of Tibet Brussels, also exchanged with a number of Dutch MPs.

Alongside, the Parliamentary efforts, a coalition representing Tibetan, Uyghur, Hong Kong, and Southern Mongolia communities contributed to maintaining pressure on lawmakers.

The motions, introduced by MP Jan Paternotte, Isa Kahraman, D.G. Boswijk, E.Van der Burg, S.R.T. Van Baarle, T.M.T. van der Lee, D.G.M. Cedar, Don Ceder, Chris Stoffer, Martin Oostenbrink and Joi NB received overwhelming support.

Welcoming the resolution, Representative Rigzin Genkhang of the Office of Tibet Brussels thanked the Dutch Parliament for its principled stand, stating, “this resolution offers a glimmer of hope to Tibetans everywhere, especially to those inside Tibet. We are deeply grateful to the Dutch House of Representatives for acknowledging our suffering and standing with us. The support of democratic nations like the Netherlands strengthens our resolve to continue our peaceful freedom struggle.”

-Report filed by Office of Tibet, Brussels 

15 UN States have made an unprecedented joint statement raising Tibet at the UN General Assembly.

Statement delivered by H.E. Mr James Larsen, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Australia to the United Nations

22 October 2024

I have the honour of delivering this joint statement on behalf of the following countries: Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Japan, Lithuania, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and my own country, Australia.

These countries are all committed to universal human rights and have ongoing concerns about serious human rights violations in China.


Two years ago, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ assessment on Xinjiang concluded that serious human rights violations had been committed in Xinjiang, and that the scale of the arbitrary and discriminatory detention of Uyghurs and other predominately Muslim minorities in Xinjiang “may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity”.

Subsequently, United Nations’ Treaty Bodies have taken similar views and made similar recommendations, including: The CERD in November 2022 through its concluding observations and Urgent Action Decision on Xinjiang; and The CRPD, CESCR and CEDAW in their September 2022, March 2023 and May 2023 Concluding Observations.

The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has issued communications concerning multiple cases of arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances, and over 20 Special Procedure Mandate Holders have expressed concern about systemic human rights violations in Xinjiang.

Relying extensively on China’s own records, these comprehensive findings and recommendations by independent human rights experts from all geographic regions detail evidence of large-scale arbitrary detention, family separation, enforced disappearances and forced labour, systematic surveillance on the basis of religion and ethnicity; severe and undue restrictions on cultural, religious, and linguistic identity and expression; torture and sexual and gender-based violence, including forced abortion and sterilisation; and the destruction of religious and cultural sites.

China has had many opportunities meaningfully to address the UN’s well-founded concerns.
Instead, China labelled the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ assessment as ‘illegal and void during its Universal Periodic Review adoption in July.

According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ statement in August, the problematic laws and policies in Xinjiang continue to remain in place.

The statement again called on China to undertake a full review, from the human rights perspective, of the legal framework governing national security and counterterrorism.
Mr Chair, as with our concerns for the situation in Xinjiang, we are also seriously concerned about credible reports detailing human rights abuses in Tibet.


United Nations human rights treaty bodies and United Nations Special Procedures have detailed the detention of Tibetans for the peaceful expression of political views; restrictions on travel; coercive labour arrangements; separation of children from families in boarding schools; and erosion of linguistic, cultural, educational and religious rights and freedoms in Tibet.
We urge China to uphold the international human rights obligations that it has voluntarily assumed, and to fully implement all UN recommendations including from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ assessment, Treaty Bodies and other United Nations human rights mechanisms.


This includes releasing all individuals arbitrarily detained in both Xinjiang and Tibet, and urgently clarifying the fate and whereabouts of missing family members.
Transparency and openness are key to allaying concerns, and we call on China to allow unfettered and meaningful access to Xinjiang and Tibet for independent observers, including from the UN, to evaluate the human rights situation.

No country has a perfect human rights record, but no country is above fair scrutiny of its human rights obligations.

It is incumbent on all of us not to undermine international human rights commitments that benefit us all, and for which all states are accountable.

Thank you.

Mandie McKeown, Executive Director

International Tibet Neywork.