Message of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Fourteenth Assembly
of the Tibetan People’s Deputies
March 14th 2011
To the members of the Fourteenth Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies,
It is common knowledge that ancient Tibet, consisting of three provinces (Cholkha-sum) was ruled by a line of forty-two Tibetan kings beginning with Nyatri Tsenpo (127 BCE), and ending with Tri Ralpachen (838 CE). Their rule spanned almost one thousand years. During that time, Tibet was known throughout Inner Asia as a powerful nation, comparable in military power and political influence with Mongolia and China. With the development of Tibetan literature, the richness and breadth of the religion and culture of Tibet meant that its civilisation was considered second only to that of India.
Following the fragmentation of central authority in the 9th century, Tibet was governed by several rulers whose authority was limited to their respective fiefdoms. Tibetan unity weakened with the passage of time. In the early 13th century, both China and Tibet came under the control of Genghis Khan. Although Drogon Choegyal Phagpa restored the sovereignty of Tibet in the 1260s, and his rule extended across the three provinces, the frequent change of rulers under the Phagmo Drupas, Rinpungpas and Tsangpas over the next 380 years or so resulted in a failure to maintain a unified Tibet. The absence of any central authority and frequent internal conflicts caused Tibet’s political power to decline.
Since the Fifth Dalai Lama’s founding of the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet in 1642, successive Dalai Lamas have been both the spiritual and temporal leaders of Tibet. During the reign of the Fifth Dalai Lama, all the 13 myriarchies or administrative districts of Tibet enjoyed political stability, Buddhism flourished in Tibet and the Tibetan people enjoyed peace and freedom.
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Tibet not only lacked adequate political governance, but also missed the
opportunity to develop effective international relations. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama assumed temporal power in 1895, but was compelled to flee to Mongolia and China in 1904, due to the invasion of British forces, and to India in 1910, when the Manchu China invaded. Once circumstances allowed him to return to Tibet, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama re-asserted Tibetan sovereignty in 1913. As a result of what he had learned in exile, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama introduced modern education and made reforms to strengthen the government of Tibet. Although these steps produced positive results, he was unable to fulfil his overall vision, as is evident from his last political testament of 1932, the year before his death. Despite the lacklustre political leadership and short- comings of the regents and their administrations, the Ganden Phodrang Government has on the whole provided stable governance for the last four centuries.
Since I was young, I have been aware of an urgent need to modernize the Tibetan political system. At the age of sixteen, I was compelled to assume political leadership. At that time I lacked a thorough understanding of Tibet’s own political system, let alone international affairs.
However, I had a strong wish to introduce appropriate reforms in accordance with the changing times and was able to effect some fundamental changes. Unfortunately, I was unable to carry these reforms any further due to circumstances beyond my control.
Soon after our arrival in India in April 1959, we set up departments with Kalons (Ministers) in charge of education, preservation of culture and the rehabilitation and welfare of the community. Similarly, in 1960, aware of the importance of democratization, the first Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies was elected and in 1963 we promulgated the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet.
No system of governance can ensure stability and progress if it depends solely on one person without the support and participation of the people in the political process. One man rule is both anachronistic and undesirable. We have made great efforts to strengthen our democratic institutions to serve the long-term interests of the six million Tibetans, not out of a wish to copy others, but because democracy is the most representative system of governance. In 1990, a committee was formed to draft the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and a year later the total strength of the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (ATPD), the Tibetans in exile’s highest law-making body, was increased. In 1991, the Eleventh ATPD formally adopted the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and assumed all legislative authority. Given the limitations of our life in exile these are achievements of which we can be proud.
In 2001, the Tibetan people elected the Kalon Tripa, the political leader, directly for the first time. Since then, I have been in semi-retirement, no longer involving myself in the day-to-day administration, but able to dedicate more time to general human welfare.
The essence of a democratic system is, in short, the assumption of political responsibility by elected leaders for the popular good. In order for our process of democratization to be complete, the time has come for me to devolve my formal authority to such an elected leadership. The general lack of experience and political maturity in our democratic institutions has prevented us from doing this earlier.
Given that the line of Dalai Lamas has provided political leadership for nearly four centuries, it might be difficult for Tibetans generally and especially those in Tibet to envisage and accept a political system that is not led by the Dalai Lama. Therefore, over the past 50 years I have tried in various ways to raise people’s political awareness and encourage their participation in our democratic process.
In my 10th March statement of 1969, for instance, I stated, “When the day comes for Tibet to be governed by its own people, it will be for the people to decide as to what form of government they will have. The system of governance by the line of the Dalai Lamas may or may not be there. In particular, the opinion of the forward- looking younger generation will be an influential factor.”
Similarly, in my 10th March statement of 1988, I stated, “As I have said many times, even the continuation of the institution of the Dalai Lama is for the people to decide.” Since the 1980s, I have repeatedly advised the Kashag, ATPD and the public that Tibetans should take full responsibility for the administration and welfare of the people as if the Dalai Lama were not there.
I informed the Chairman of the Thirteenth ATPD and the then Chief Justice Commissioner that I should be relieved of functions related to my political and administrative status, including such ceremonial responsibilities as the signing of bills adopted by the legislative body. However, my proposal was not even considered. On 31st August 2010, during the First Tibetan General Meeting (organized by ATPD), I explained this again in detail. Now, a decision on this important matter should be delayed no longer. All the necessary amendments to the Charter and other related regulations should be made during this session so that I am completely relieved of formal authority.
I want to acknowledge here that many of my fellow Tibetans, inside and outside Tibet, have earnestly requested me to continue to give political leadership at this critical time. My intention to devolve political authority derives neither from a wish to shirk responsibility nor because I am disheartened. On the contrary, I wish to devolve authority solely for the benefit of the Tibetan people in the long run. It is extremely important that we ensure the continuity of our exile Tibetan administration and our struggle until the issue of Tibet has been successfully resolved.
If we have to remain in exile for several more decades, a time will inevitably come when I will no longer be able to provide leadership. Therefore, it is necessary that we establish a sound system of governance while I remain able and healthy, in order that the exile Tibetan administration can become self-reliant rather than being dependent on the Dalai Lama. If we are able to implement such a system from this time onwards, I will still be able to help resolve problems if called upon to do so. But, if the implementation of such a system is delayed and a day comes when my leadership is suddenly unavailable, the consequent uncertainty might present an overwhelming challenge. Therefore, it is the duty of all Tibetans to make every effort to prevent such an eventuality.
As one among the six million Tibetans, bearing in mind that the Dalai Lamas have a special historic and karmic relationship with the Tibetan people, and as long as Tibetans place their trust and faith in me, I will continue to serve the cause of Tibet.
Although Article 31 of the Charter spells out provisions for a Council of Regency, it was formulated merely as an interim measure based on past traditions. It does not include provisions for instituting a system of political leadership without the Dalai Lama. Therefore, amendments to the Charter on this occasion must conform to the framework of a democratic system in which the political leadership is elected by the people for a specific term. Thus, all the necessary steps must be taken, including the appointment of separate committees, to amend the relevant Articles of the Charter and other regulations, in order that a decision can be reached and implemented during this very session.
As a result, some of my political promulgations such as the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet (1963) and Guidelines for Future Tibet’s Polity (1992) will become ineffective. The title of the present institution of the Ganden Phodrang headed by the Dalai Lama should also be changed accordingly.
With my prayers for the successful proceedings of the house.
Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama
11th March 2011
Note: Translated from the Tibetan original, which should be considered final and authoritative.

Why the Dalai Lama’s decision to step down was a wise one.
The India site
By Patrick French
Patrick French is the author of Tibet, Tibet: A Personal History of a Lost Land
Last week, the Dalai Lama stepped down as the political leader of the Tibetan people. Nobody could blame him for wishing to retire. He was chosen as Tibet’s leader by a system of reincarnation when he was just five years old, and it is understandable – seventy years later – that he might want to stand down. When he was 15, he was obliged to assume full
temporal power during the Chinese communist invasion.
Tibetans and non-Tibetans have an emotional attachment to the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, not only for his position but for his unique personal charisma. That is not going to change with his retirement from office. But it is important to detach our personal projections and feelings for the Dalai Lama from the fate of the Tibetan people – difficult though that might be. For those in search of spiritual guidance, he will always remain a beacon of compassion.
‘Might it be possible, the Dalai Lama asked, for Tibet to gain freedom through Gandhian methods of non-violent resistance’ Alternatively, could India help to bring about independence by some other means? Nehru was a sympathetic listener; he gave asylum to the Dalai Lama and 100,000 fleeing Tibetans. But he made it clear that India could never start a war for Tibetan independence, and that in his view, ‘the whole world cannot bring freedom to Tibet unless the whole fabric of the Chinese state is destroyed.’ Although the CIA was giving support to Tibetan rebels, Nehru – with his long experience of international politics – thought American and European support for the Tibetan cause was not sincere. In his view, ‘all they want is to exploit Tibet in their cold war with the Soviet Union.’ If the exiled leader went to the West in the hope of drumming up enthusiasm, said Nehru, he would be left looking ‘like a piece of merchandise.’
This was, over the decades, to become the Dalai Lama’s dilemma.
It was not until 1979 that he was even permitted to enter the United States. Cautiously at first, he tried to promote the cause of his country’s freedom and cultural identity abroad. It was only in the late 1980s – after protests and riots in Lhasa – that the Tibetan issue acquired a popular sheen in Western countries. Politicians, singers, movie stars and activists (myself included) became involved in a vociferous campaign to influence the Chinese government to negotiate with the Dalai Lama. This lobbying was not successful, and since the early 1990s Beijing has shown little sign of entering into serious or sincere negotiations with the Dalai Lama’s exiled administration.
In retrospect, it seems that the last window of opportunity for a constructive resolution of the Tibetan issue was during the Deng Xiaoping era in the 1980s. The Chinese leadership at this time made an active effort to secure a deal which would allow the exiles to return to Tibet. Since then, he has been personally vilified by Beijing. It has been apparent for more than a decade now that the chances of the Dalai Lama making further progress with the Chinese government were very remote. To pretend otherwise was a fiction promoted by pro-Tibet campaigners because they could not find an alternative way forward, such was the growing global economic power of China.
Inside Tibet, despite the practical and material advances, the Chinese government has failed signally to win the hearts and minds of the people. This impasse or deadlock flared up dangerously in 2008, when protests spread across many parts of China where Tibetans lived, and were brutally put down. Beijing’s strategy has been to wait it out, hoping that once the Dalai Lama passes away, the Tibetan issue will fade from international consciousness.
For this reason alone, the Dalai Lama’s decision to step down last week was a wise one. He has, in fact, been trying to retire for several decades. When he made an attempt in 2001, he did not get far. The Tibetan refugee community elected a Kalon Tripa or chief minister, who promptly suggested the Dalai Lama should retain all executive power. ‘I would now like to request His Holiness to rescind this decision,’ the Kalon Tripa said, ‘and continue to exercise his traditional administrative responsibilities.’
The problem is that as far as most Tibetans are concerned, the Dalai Lama is literally irreplaceable. No other culture has such reverence for its leader, who is usually referred to in Tibetan simply as ‘the Presence’. Roman Catholic respect for the Pope or Hindu reverence for sages and babas is simply not comparable. This devotion can be found equally among Tibetans inside Tibet and among those in exile. I remember while travelling in a remote part of western Tibet in 1999, meeting a young woman whose reverence for me was profound, simply because she heard I had been in the presence of the Presence. And the Dalai Lama had left Tibet before this woman was born.
If the future of the Tibetan people is to be secured – even in a messy and compromised form – it is vital the Dalai Lama does not renege on his decision to step down. He has already been pressed by Tibetans living in exile to reconsider. (It is harder to know what Tibetans inside Tibet are thinking, since the restrictions on them communicating with the outside world are severe, and they have no objective information about their own political situation.) The Dalai Lama has made the decision to step down in his lifetime because he knows it is in the long-term interest of the Tibetan people.
The exiles now have to elect a leader who can promote a more modern and pragmatic course of action. There needs to be a generational shift, and a new approach. They have to generate alternative sources of patronage and political impetus. They have to make sure that if, in the future, Beijing recognises or creates a new Dalai Lama, this ‘Chinese’ Dalai Lama is not seen as a plausible alternative. They have – crucially – to find original mechanisms to reach out to the Chinese people and to the Chinese government.
Ideally, the Tibetan exiles need to rally around a single person who can articulate their grievances and ambitions. The most plausible candidate for this elected role is Lobsang Sangay, a Harvard Law School graduate in his early forties. His selection would provide an opportunity for a fresh strategy. Like most exiled communities, the Tibetans have many internal splits – regional, personal, political and religious – which will need to be put aside in pursuit of a larger historical ambition. If this does not happen, the cause the Dalai Lama has long espoused will end up as a footnote to history.

‘Without Dalai Lama, legitimacy would be a problem’
Indo-Asian News Service
Dharamsala (Himachal Pradesh), March 10, 2011
The prime minister of Tibetan government-in-exile, Samdhong Rinpoche, on Thursday said the announcement by the Dalai Lama that he was retiring from public life could undermine the legitimacy of the government-in-exile. “After Dalai Lama’s resignation, legitimacy would be the biggest issue before us. Without Dalai Lama, we (the government-in-exile) will not have any legitimacy in the eyes of Tibetans. It is a real question before us and we have to find a solution to it,” said Rinpoche.
“However, status of Tibetans living in exile in India would not change. We have no problem with India as we are very comfortable here,” said Rinpoche. The Tibetan government-in-exile is in Dharamshala in Himachal Pradesh in northern India and it is not recognised by any country in the world. The Dalai Lama, 75, Thursday during his annual address to Tibetans and the international community, announced his decision to retire and devolve his “formal authority” to an elected leader while staying committed to the cause of Tibet.
Rinpoche, who will be completing his second term as prime minister-in-exile (Kalon Tripa) in May this year, has enjoyed full confidence of the Dalai Lama. He has been a powerful political figure in Tibetan community living in India.”We do understand what his holiness is planning and he is asking people to become independent of Dalai Lamas. Since 1960s, he has been trying to educate people and guiding us. He thinks it could be the appropriate time, therefore he is trying to transfer the entire power to the elected leadership,” said Rinpoche.
“But we still do not feel ourselves competent to take over and become independent of the Dalai Lama. Therefore thousands of requests are coming from various quarters to postpone his decision. We can reduce the number of (his) ceremonial functions, but as a guardian and spiritual leader he should continue.”
Rinpoche said that the Dalai Lama wants to transfer all political authority to elected leaders. He admitted that it would affect the dialogues process, between Tibetans and others.
“Yes, it would certainly affect the dialogues going on about the Tibetan cause but we shall find some way to continue these. We have to find some innovative and constructive way to handle the situation. Although we do not have any readymade solution to this,” pointed out Rinpoche.
Rinpoche maintained that the Dalai Lama, despite his retirement plans, continued to be the spiritual leader.
“Spiritual leadership does not come by appointment or by election, it’s all self-evident and it would not change. However, political leadership should not be permanent and not confined to one person. Dalai Lama believed in the principles of modern democracy system where people are supreme,” stated Rinpoche.
Talking about the violent protests by Tibetan youths, Rinpoche said, “Tibet is committed to non-violence. Protest demonstration of some youths outside the Chinese embassy does not prove that we are intending to follow violent path. These youths do not represent our people. Moreover they were not violent they were only aggressive.”

Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary of
the Tibetan National Uprising Day
March 10th 2011
Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising of 1959 against Communist China’s repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, and the third anniversary of the non-violent demonstrations that took place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would like to pay tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express my solidarity with those who continue to suffer repression and pray for the well-being of all sentient beings.
For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom and living in fear and insecurity, have been able to maintain their unique Tibetan identity and cultural values. More consequentially, successive new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This is admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience.
This Earth belongs to humanity and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the right to know the truth about the state of affairs in their country and the world at large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of information violate basic human decency. For instance, China’s leaders consider the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If this were so, these policies should be made public with confidence and open to scrutiny.
China, with the world’s largest population, is an emerging world power and I admire the economic development it has made. It also has huge potential to contribute to human progress and world peace. But to do that, China must earn the international community’s respect and trust. In order to earn such respect China’s leaders must develop greater transparency, their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure this, freedom of expression and freedom of the press are essential. Similarly, transparency in governance can help check corruption. In recent years, China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals calling for political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also expressed support for these concerns. These are significant indications and I welcome them.
The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a diversity of languages and cultures. Protection of the language and culture of each nationality is a policy of the PRC, which is clearly spelt out in its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to preserve the entire range of the Buddha’s teachings, including the texts on logic and theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from India’s Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge governed by reason and logic that has the potential to contribute to the peace and happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining such a culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long run amount to the destruction of humanity’s common heritage.
The Chinese government frequently states that stability and development in Tibet is the foundation for its long-term well-being. However, the authorities still station large numbers of troops all across Tibet, increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in constant fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals, public figures and environmentalists have been punished for articulating the Tibetan people’s basic aspirations. They have been imprisoned allegedly for “subverting state power” when actually they have been giving voice to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage. Such repressive measures undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending people’s rights, independent writers and human rights activists have been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review these developments and release these prisoners of conscience forthwith.
The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than the personal privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is that the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people has provoked widespread, deep resentment against current official policies. People from all walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That there is a problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities’ failure to trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan people live under constant suspicion and surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors to Tibet corroborate this grim reality.
Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-finding delegations to Tibet in the late 1970s and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we propose similar visits again. At the same time we would encourage the sending of representatives of independent international bodies, including parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet are happy, we would readily accept it.
The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao’s leadership in the early 1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement with Tibet. A similar spirit of realism prevailed once more during Hu Yaobang’s time in the early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such realism the Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have been solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies. The result is that after more than six decades, the problem has become more intractable.
The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because it has the largest concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles, it is considered to be the Third Pole. Environmental degradation in Tibet will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia, particularly on China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise the degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop sustainable measures to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account the survival of people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.
In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued the mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC. In our talks with officials of the Chinese government’s United Front Work Department we have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan people’s hopes and aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our reasonable proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully and accurately conveyed to the higher authorities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbours. It would be a mistake if our unresolved differences were to affect this age-old friendship. Special efforts are being made to promote good relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I am happy that this has contributed to better understanding and friendship between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters.
In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent struggles for freedom and democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in non-violence and people-power and these events have shown once again that determined non-violent action can indeed bring about positive change. We must all hope that these inspiring changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the peoples in these countries.
One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of Tibet’s political and social structure, and in the few years when I held effective power in Tibet, I managed to make some fundamental changes. Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet, I have made every effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political leadership, and the people’s representatives are directly elected by the people. We have been able to implement democracy in exile that is in keeping with the standards of an open society.
As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority to the elected leader.
Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will support my decision and accordingly let it take effect.
I would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the leaders of various nations that cherish justice, members of parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups, who have been steadfast in their support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we will always remember the kindness and consistent support of the people and Government of India and State Governments for generously helping Tibetans preserve and promote their religion and culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all of them I offer my heartfelt gratitude.
With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.
10 March 2011
Dharamsala

The Statement of Kashag on the 52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan
People’s National Uprising Day
Today is the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s uprising against the Chinese authorities in 1959 and the third anniversary of the peaceful protests throughout Tibet in 2008. On this special occasion, the Kashag would like to pay homage to all the martyrs, who sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tibet, those who are still suffering and particularly we would like to express our solidarity with Tibetan intellectuals such as writers, poets, musicians and environmentalists, who have been arrested and incarcerated in recent years. We praise their courage and conviction.
During the last nine years, from 2002 to 2010, the twelfth and the thirteenth Kashag considered the 10 March anniversary as the most important occasion to inform the Tibetan people, both in and outside Tibet, about issues concerning Tibetan politics and the administration. The Kashag has transparently informed the Tibetans about developments, policies, course of actions, principles and future plans regarding the issue of Tibet and its origins, Tibetan people’s strength and weaknesses, opportunities and risks, achievements and failures, and the status of Sino-Tibetan talks and the international situation. Particularly, in 2009 during the 50th anniversary of our being in exile, the Kashag commemorated and thanked the extraordinary achievements of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, which spans across the globe and the great accomplishments of the Tibetan people, in and outside Tibet.
Since this is the last 10th March statement of the present Kashag, we would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the general public and reiterate some issues as a reminder. As it was mentioned in our 10th March statement of 2009, for more than half a century, Tibet has been subjected to a series of repressive campaigns under various forms and names to annihilate the Tibetan people and its culture. This has pushed Tibet to the brink of extinction. However, at the same time, the strength of Tibetan people’s unity and solidarity has gone undiminished, which has enabled us to sustain our struggle from one generation to the next.
Moreover, with the phenomenal accomplishments of His Holiness the Dalai Lama throughout the world, Tibetan Buddhism, culture, tradition and values have gained renewed recognition and interest. Consequently, the number of Tibet supporters and followers of Tibetan Buddhism and culture, both in the West and East, have grown many fold. Lately efforts to translate Kangyur and Tengyur into various Western languages were initiated, and the speed at which contact and discussions between Tibetan Buddhism and science is taking place today are a matter of great pride and constitute positive changes. Irrespective of the absence of any concrete change in the political situation, the fact that Tibetan religion, culture and tradition are developing paves great prospects for the future. When future generations look back at our times, they may consider our contemporary times as an era of expansion and spread of the Tibetan culture.
Furthermore, the nonviolent struggle of the Tibetan people and the transformation of the nature of Tibetan polity into a democratic system are two achievements that are source of pride and the strength for the Tibetan people. As a result, the issue of Tibet has been able to be sustained around the world and these have become reasons why the People’s Republic of China is unable to ignore the issue of Tibet.
As this miracle the Tibetans have achieved in exile is a result of the profound accomplishments of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. We express our deepest gratitude to him.
Since the PRC occupied Tibet, the Tibetan people have had not even a fleeting moment of peace and joy. Furthermore, policies were implemented that aimed to annihilate not only Tibetan religion and culture and natural resources, but even the trace of Tibetan identity as well. Since repression across Tibet worsened in 2008, the Tibetan people have been languishing in an environment of constant fear and suspicion. The recent campaign, targeted at Tibetan intellectuals, scholars, writers, artists and environmentalists, has resulted in their arbitrary incarceration on concocted charges. This further validates the existence of a definite objective to wipe out Tibetan identity and heritage. As Tibetan language is the bedrock of Tibetan identity and culture, the recent move to phase out Tibetan as the main medium of instruction in schools also constitute an aspect of the strategy towards the objective of annihilation of Tibetan identity. Under such circumstances, the people in Tibet have been struggling for the preservation and promotion of Tibetan language and culture by disregarding even at the risk of losing their lives. For this, they deserve our heartfelt gratitude.
The Tibetan and the Chinese people are neighbours and share close social, economic and commercial relations. However, if enmity between the two people grows and the relationship is strained due to manipulations by the Communist leaders then this is highly undesirable. Tibetans living in exile are trying their best to create a good relationship with the Chinese people. Likewise, the Kashag wish to request the Tibetans inside Tibet to maintain friendly relations with Chinese and other nationalities. Particularly, we would like to urge Tibetans not to engage in any violent act with other nationalities.
A series of recent peaceful people’s protests in the Middle East and North Africa to move towards freedom and democracy is a source of inspiration for us. We offer our solidarity for all those who take part in these protests and extend our support and stand with them in unity as long as their actions remain non-violent. These events prove the fact
that suppression by authoritarian regimes anywhere cannot last forever.
Presently, a major cause of concern for Tibetans in and outside Tibet is that His Holiness the Dalai Lama will relinquish his role as the political leader of Tibetan people, and transfer his political and administrative responsibilities to the elected leadership. As a result, a great number of Tibetans in exile from the various settlements, organisations, monastic institutions and individuals and particularly many Tibetans from inside Tibet collectively and individually have been ardently supplicating His Holiness the Dalai Lama not to take such a step. We, the Kashag, would like to make the same request in the strongest terms. Since the institution of the Dalai Lama, as an emanation of Avalokitesvara, and the inhabitants of the Land of Snows, the spiritual domain of Avalokitesvara are intimately connected by a pure karmic bond, the Tibetan people must make all efforts to ensure that this relationship continues to last forever without change. The Tibetan people need to make great efforts to keep this bond between the successive Dalai Lamas and Tibet. In order for this to happen, we request the Tibetan people to make even more efforts to increase their collective merits.
To fulfil His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s wish to relinquish the temporal responsibilities, His Holiness will issue a message to the coming session of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. And all future course of action will depend on how the members of the legislative body intelligently formulate legislation regarding this. The Kashag would like to urge the members of the exile parliament to consider this a matter of utmost importance and accordingly think carefully to take the right path.
Even though there are no major achievements during the tenure of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Kashag for the last nearly 10 years, we have been able to complete our tenure without any major failures and controversy. This has been achieved because of the kind guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and the sincere hardwork of the officials of the Central Tibetan Administration, the cooperation and support of the general public. I and all my fellow members of the Kashag deeply thank and extend our gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. At the same time, with deep regret we offer our sincere apology for our inability to work in accordance with your vision during our tenure. We beseech His Holiness to continue to lead us until we attain liberation. Similarly, we wholeheartedly thank the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet for their consistent cooperation and support. Likewise, we profusely thank all the officials of the Central Tibetan Administration who have worked with sincerity and devotion for the exile Tibetan administration only because of their commitment to the cause inspite of inadequate salary and facilities.
Taking this opportunity, we thank and extend our gratitude to all the Tibet Support Groups, heads of the governments and members of parliaments across the world who support the just struggle of the Tibetan people, and especially the general public, the leadership of central and state governments of India, for their unwavering support for the welfare of Tibetans, the preservation and promotion of Tibet’s cultural and spiritual heritage and for the realization of the Tibetan
people’s aspiration.
Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon!
The Kashag
10 March 2011
NB: This is the English translation. Should any discrepancy arise, the original Tibetan should be considered the final and authoritative.