Michelle Obama Generates Internet Comment After Tibetan Lunch

 Michelle Obama Generates Internet Comment After Tibetan Lunch
http://www.voanews.com/content/reu-michelle-obama-generates-internet-comment-after-tibetan-lunch/1879396.html
March 26, 2014
CHENGDU — U.S. first lady Michelle Obama lunched at a Tibetan restaurant in China’s Sichuan province on Wednesday, prompting murmurs about “political overtones” on the country’s active Internet social networks.
Obama, her two daughters and mother visited the city of Chengdu as part of a week-long trip to China, where she has sought to promote education and boost cultural ties.
China has criticized the White House for its support for exiled Tibetan leader the Dalai Lama, denounced by Beijing as a separatist “wolf in sheep’s clothing”.
A senior administration official who accompanied Obama said the first lady simply wanted to meet Tibetans in Chengdu.
“Tibetans are an important minority group, and there is a sizeable Tibetan community in Sichuan,” the official said last weekend.
The restaurant was chosen because of the first lady’s interest in the rights of minorities in China, a member of Obama’s staff said, according to a pool report.
President Barack Obama met the Dalai Lama in February, a meeting denounced by Beijing as interference in its internal affairs.
Obama said he did not support Tibetan independence from China and the Dalai Lama has always denied seeking it, the White House said in a statement at the time.
Internet users saw the lunch as a thinly veiled message.
“This carries strong political overtones, meant to communicate that the U.S. is paying close attention to politics in Tibet,” one user wrote. “When it’s plain that the aim is to dictate to China, can you still say that the U.S. first lady’s trip is just innocent travel?”
Another user said the political implications were impossible to miss. “This was done for Chinese people to see, and also for the U.S. Congress to see,” he wrote.
Protests against what Tibetans say are heavy-handed government policies putting pressure on their culture and Buddhist faith have periodically boiled over into self-immolations by activists.
Nearly half the self-immolations have occurred in Sichuan, lying east of Tibet.
China denies maltreatment of Tibetans, saying it has lifted the province out of poverty and extended considerable autonomy.
Michelle Obama spun a row of prayer wheels as she walked the entry bridge to the restaurant, according to the pool report. A group of Tibetan students gave the family ceremonial white scarves – symbolizing purty in Tibetan culture.
The Obamas were served traditional foods, including yak meat pie, boiled yak ribs, bread made with barley and yak butter tea.
Earlier on Wednesday, Obama and her family visited a reserve for about 80 giant pandas. China has often sent pandas to other countries as a means to strengthen diplomatic relations.

Open Letter to Mr. José Antonio Griñán, Chairman of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party

Open Letter to Mr. José Antonio Griñán, Chairman of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party
In the matter of the proposed reform of Article 23.4 of the Organic Law of the Judicial Branch, the basis of Universal Jurisdiction in Spain
The Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (‘BHRC’), Garden Court International, Garden Court Chambers (‘GCI’), Red Lion Chambers (‘RLC’) and Doughty Street Chambers International Criminal Law Team (DSC) write concerning the reform of Article 23.4 of the ‘Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial’, or ‘Organic Law of the Judicial Branch’, which forms the basis of Universal Jurisdiction in Spain.
The BHRC, GCI, RLC and DSC wish to express their deepest concern over the reform, which will drastically limit the jurisdiction of Spanish courts in respect of international crimes. The effect of restricting the cases capable of being tried in the Spanish courts to those involving defendants who are Spanish nationals and or habitually resident in Spain, will be that international crimes will go unpunished, impunity will prevail, and victims will be left without effective remedy or reparation.
The BHRC, GCI, RLC and DSC welcome and support the decision of the Socialist Workers’ Party (‘PSOE’) to appeal the reform to the Constitutional Court. The BHRC, GCI, RLC and DSC remain keenly interested in its progress, and will continue to focus international attention upon the presentation of the appeal by the PSOE, as well as upon the resultant decision. In particular, we hope that the appeal by the PSOE reflects a long-term commitment to the fight to maintain Spanish Universal Jurisdiction.
The principle of ‘prosecute or extradite’ (aut dedere aut judicare) is not only a rule of customary international law but also a jus cogens principle. It reflects the commitment of the international community to ensure the prosecution of international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, enforced disappearances and genocide.
Myriad international conventions – among them all four 1949 Geneva Conventions, and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 1984 – underline the point. The International Court of Justice noted in the 2012 case of Belgium v. Senegal,“prosecution is an international obligation under the [Torture] Convention, the violation of which is a wrongful act engaging the responsibility of the State.”
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court makes clear that domestic jurisdictions must take the lead in the fight against impunity, and states that “it is the duty of every State to exercise its criminal jurisdiction over those responsible for international crimes.”
In this context, the reform would be a retrograde step which risks putting Spain in breach of its international legal obligations. By removing impunity for the most serious crimes, Spanish Universal Jurisdiction has, in our view, contributed towards a world which is safer and more just.
Formal legal obligations aside, the prospect of impunity for those responsible for atrocious crimes both destabilises future peace and security, and undermines victims’ past efforts to obtain justice.
The very existence of Article 23.4 has helped victims to come forward, who would never have otherwise done so. The BHRC, GCI, RLC and DSC are also profoundly concerned by the further restriction, within the reform, which will prevent the initiation of investigation of international crimes by actio popularis. The actio popularis process has empowered victims, and has enabled Spain to shine a spotlight on grave breaches of international law. The reform would close the doors of Spanish courts to the victims of human rights violations, who are unlikely otherwise to be able to obtain justice.
The BHRC, GCI, RLC and DSC further note with concern that the universal jurisdiction reform applies not only to future investigations but also to current investigations, meaning that all current cases on the basis of universal jurisdiction will be terminated until they are proven to comply with the new requirements. This may go beyond the legislative authority of Parliament by summarily closing all the investigations, and could exert broader constitutional ramifications by interfering with the independence of the judicial system.
Moreover, the reform is at odds with the Rule of Law itself. By closing down even those cases which have already been opened but which may not meet the new criteria, the reform would exert its effect retroactively. The impact upon victims of the crimes concerned would be arbitrary and devastating. We are aware that the reform was not subjected to examination by consultation bodies, such as the General Judicial Council (el Consejo General del Poder Judicial) or the Council of the State (el Consejo del Estado). All of this further emphasises the importance of the appeal, launched by the PSOE, before the constitutional court.
We urge the PSOE to maintain the strongest possible resistance to the universal jurisdiction reform, and pledge our unqualified support for their appeal before the Constitutional Court.
Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC)
Garden Court International, Garden Court Chambers (GCI)
Red Lion Chambers (RLC)
Doughty Street Chambers International Criminal Law Team (DSC)
London, 21 March 2014
https://barhumanrights.org.uk/sites/default/files/documents/news/open_letter_to_mr._jose_antonio_grinan_english.pdf

Freedom of speech is 'universal' right, Michelle Obama tells China

Freedom of speech is ‘universal’ right, Michelle Obama tells China
Amid a growing crackdown on Chinese dissidents, the US First Lady tells an audience in Beijing that the “questioning and criticism” of political leaders is crucial
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/10716306/Freedom-of-spe
By Tom Phillips, Shanghai
2:58PM GMT 22 Mar 2014Comments
Freedom of information, expression and belief should be considered “universal rights”, Michelle Obama, the US first lady, told students in China on Saturday.
Speaking at Peking University on the second full day of a weeklong, bridge-building family tour of the country, Mrs Obama said: “It is so important for information and ideas to flow freely over the internet and through the media.” “When it comes to expressing yourself freely, and worshipping as you choose, and having open access to information – we believe those are universal rights that are the birthright of every person on this planet,” Mrs Obama told an audience of around 200 students.
“My husband and I are on the receiving end of plenty of questioning and criticism from our media and our fellow citizens, and it’s not always easy.
“But I wouldn’t trade it for anything in the world.”
Mrs Obama, who arrived in China on Thursday evening, avoided directly criticising Beijing’s draconian control of the internet, media and religion.
Social media sites including Facebook, YouTube and Twitter are blocked in China and Xi Jinping, the president, has been waging a fierce war on dissent
since coming to power in November 2012.
Xu Zhiyong, a lawyer and activist behind a peaceful campaigning group called the New Citizens’ Movement, was jailed for four years in January for
“disrupting public order.” Earlier this month, Cao Shunli, a 52-year-old activist, died after falling into a coma while in police custody. Ms Cao, who died of apparent organ
failure, had been taken into custody last September as she tried to fly out of Beijing to a human rights workshop in Geneva.
Campaigners also criticise China’s handling of religion, with non-official “underground” churches banned and restrictions placed on freedom of worship,
particularly in regions such as Xinjiang, which is home to a large Muslim community.
China’s heavily controlled state media made no mention of Mrs Obama’s comments. The US First Lady’s speech “focused on the importance of education and
cultural exchanges,” state broadcaster CCTV reported. “She said China is currently the fifth most popular destination for American students abroad.”
Students had given Mrs Obama “a warm welcome,” CCTV added. Mrs Obama arrived in China on Thursday night and on Friday toured its capital with Peng Liyuan, the first lady, and met Xi Jinping at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse. Mrs Obama is scheduled to visit the Great Wall of China on Sunday before travelling to the cities of Chengdu and Xi’an.

Statement of Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the 55th Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

Statement of Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the 55th Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
Fifty-five years ago, thousands of Tibetans spontaneously gathered on this day in Lhasa, the capital city of Tibet, to protect His Holiness the Dalai Lama and protest against Chinese occupation. Seven days later, His Holiness the Dalai Lama left Lhasa and fled to India. 80,000 Tibetans followed him into exile.
I visited Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh this January and was profoundly moved to see the path His Holiness the Dalai Lama took to enter India. I also visited Bomdila and Tuting, where thousands of Tibetans sought refuge. There is no escape from the painful reality that many of the elders who were forced to make the journey into exile in 1959 have died without fulfilling their dreams of returning to their homeland. Similarly, innumerable Tibetans in Tibet have died without reuniting with family members or realizing their freedom. I take great solace, however, that their hopes and dreams live and grow in their children.
Demonstrations of resilience and resolve by Tibetans inside Tibet from the uprisings and resistance in Kham and Amdo in the 1950s, to the protests in Lhasa in the 1980s, to the nation-wide uprising in 2008 and the recent self-immolations reveal that the struggle for Tibet will not abate. The Tibetan struggle today is led by a new generation of Tibetans inside Tibet and in exile. It is the younger generation of Tibetans in Tibet who clearly and loudly demand their identity, freedom and unity. The new generation of Tibetans in exile participates in similar endeavors.
School children in Chabcha have demanded Tibetan language instructions in their schools, Tibetans in Driru have refused to hoist Chinese flags on their rooftops, and outcries over the human loss and environmental destruction of Gyama mine in Meldro Gungkar reach our ears. These protests unambiguously refute the Chinese propaganda that, “except for a few, Tibetans are happy in Tibet.”
Since 2009, there have been 126 self-immolations all across Tibet. Despite repeated appeals not to engage in such drastic actions, the self-immolations have continued. Tsultrim Gyatso, a monk, who self immolated on December 19, 2013, wrote in his last testament: “Can you hear me? Can you see it? Can you hear it? I am compelled to burn my precious body for the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, for the release of the imprisoned Panchen Lama and for the welfare of the six million Tibetans.”
The Kashag expresses its deepest respect to all the brave men and women in Tibet. The Kashag is listening to the calls for the end of repression and suffering of Tibetans inside Tibet. It is for this reason that its primary and immediate objective is to peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet through dialogue as soon as possible. At the same time, the Kashag needs a long-term strategy to strengthen and sustain our struggle, if necessary. One complements the other, and so the Kashag will make efforts to both resolve the issue of Tibet through dialogue and successfully sustain the Tibetan struggle.
My fellow Tibetans, we must bear in mind that the year 2020 will mark 70 years since the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China. By then, the generation of Tibetans with memories of a free Tibet will have greatly dwindled. His Holiness the Dalai Lama will turn 85 and by that year he will have led the Tibetan people for 70 uninterrupted years. The next generation of Tibetan leadership inside and outside Tibet has to cope with a crucial and challenging reality. Tibetans inside Tibet will have no personal memories of traditional Tibet, while Tibetans outside of Tibet will know only a life lived in exile. Exile Tibetans constitute only 2.5 percent of six million Tibetans but it is likely there will be equal number of Tibetans in the West and in India, Nepal and Bhutan.
Exile is a precarious phase of uncertainty and contingency, and occupation can be a dangerous transition to permanent subjugation. The challenge we face will be in reconciling the distance and gap between life in exile and life under Chinese occupation. We will have to learn to carry forward the freedom struggle under these very different Tibetan realities and experiences, none of which are rooted in personal memories of a free Tibet. How do we achieve this?
As a long-term strategy, we need to build self-reliance in the Tibetan world, in thought and action. Our more than 50-year-old movement cannot depend solely on others to help us achieve our goals. It is time to assume individual responsibility and collective leadership and stand on our own feet. We need to build our individual and collective strengths. We need to reflect deeply.
I believe that education is our most potent and realistic investment and tool. The more skillfully we educate our entire population, the more successfully we will develop strong foundations of self-reliant economic, technological, and governmental systems. Our global supporters know our cause is just and they value our Buddhist heritage. Tibetans embrace the values of humility, integrity, and resilience as the bedrock foundation of the Tibetan struggle. To that we must add modern education to achieve our goals. It is the combination of traditional values and contemporary education that will keep our struggle vigorous, dynamic, and formidable.
It is crucial that younger Tibetans study the language and history of the nation. It is equally important that they record the stories and narratives of individual families and ancestral land. Continue to enjoy momos in Tibetan restaurants and wear chubas in celebration of the Tibetan culture, but for identity to take strong roots we must educate ourselves, engage deeply with Tibetans from Tibet, and reflect individually on the challenges that lie ahead. 2014 is a year to engage, educate, and empower ourselves and the movement.
To maintain unity and achieve effectiveness in the exile community, a central core is critical and for Tibetans, the Central Tibetan Administration serves as this irreplaceable core. The Kashag invites dedicated youth to take leadership positions in the Central Tibetan Administration and in other Tibet-related organizations.
In conclusion, I welcome the recent meeting between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and President Barack Obama. I appreciate President Obama’s strong endorsement of the Middle Way Approach. A genuine autonomy for Tibet through the Middle Way Approach aspires to replace political repression with basic freedom, economic marginalization with economic empowerment, social discrimination with social equality, cultural assimilation with cultural promotion and environmental destruction with environmental protection. We are committed to the Middle Way as the most effective approach to end the suffering in Tibet. It is our hope that the new Chinese leadership led by President Xi Jinping will pay heed and adopt this pragmatic and moderate stand.
The Kashag would like to thank the great nation of India and its kind people. After assuming political responsibilities in Dharamsala, I came to realize more than ever how much India has supported and continues to support
Tibet and the Tibetan people. The Kashag also extends deep appreciation to governments, parliamentarians, Tibet Support Groups and individuals around the world and urges them to continue the journey with us.
I am happy to announce that the Central Tibetan Administration will observe 2014 as the year of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, to pay tribute to his visionary leadership and contribution to Tibet and the world. I am also happy to remind Tibetans and our friends across the globe that 2014 marks the 25th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. On April 25th, we will also commemorate the 25th birthday of the 11th Panchen Gedun Choekyi Nyima.
The Tibetan people have risen time after time to overcome great adversities in the long history of our civilization. Today, our sense of identity, solidarity, and dignity is deeper than ever. If we remain united, and bring the rich traditions of the elders to interplay with the innovation and dynamism of the younger generation, I firmly believe that the Chinese government will have no choice but to address our aspirations.
Dear Tibetan brothers and sisters inside Tibet, our journey may be long and the challenges may appear daunting, but we will succeed. In Tawang, I saw the path His Holiness the Dalai Lama, our parents, and grandparents took from Tibet to India. From a distance, I could see the great mountains and rivers of Tibet. I took it as a good omen to begin 2014, that like you, I saw a path back to Tibet.
Finally, I pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the immediate resolution of the issue of Tibet.
10th March, 2014
Dharamsala

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Sikyong visits US Capitol Hill

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Sikyong visits US Capitol Hill
March 7, 2014 9:58 am
WASHINGTON D.C: Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay visited US Capitol Hill with His Holiness the Dalai Lama to attend the US House Leadership meeting in Washington, DC on March 06, 2014. They met the US Speaker John Boehner, Leader Nancy Pelosi, Majority Leader Eric Cantor & Congressman Steny Hoyer for about 45 minutes. The US Speaker’s website released the quote on its website “It’s my pleasure to welcome His Holiness to the United States Capitol. His fight for religious freedom and tolerance has always brought Congress together in a bipartisan fashion. It’s our pleasure to have him today to continue those conversations and to show him our support.”
Later in the morning, Sikyong Dr. Sangay attended His Holiness’ address to about 400 US Congressional Staff from both the house. Senator John McCain and Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi introduced His Holiness and the Sikyong to the Staffer. It was also attended by about 25 US Representatives.
In the afternoon, the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee hosted a Working Coffee meeting which was attended by its Chairman Senator Robert Menendez, Ranking member Senator Bob Corker, Senator Benjamin Cardin, Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Senator Christopher Coons, Senator Tom Udall, Senator Tim Kaine, Senator Marco Rubio, Senator John McCain, and Senator John Barrasso. In a meeting, His Holiness shared his three commitments of enriching human values, religious harmony and on the issue of Tibet’s culture, Buddhism and its Environment. The committee jointly expressed its deep concern for the current situation inside Tibet, and extends every possible support on the issue of Tibet. Senator Udall also raised the alarming consequences of the Chinese population transfer to Tibet, and offer to extend every possible action to control such action.
Sikyong Dr Lobsang Sangay explained to the committee about the Middle Way Policy of the Central Tibetan Administration, to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully, within the framework of the Chinese constitution. He further elaborated that the Tibetan administration neither seek separation, nor accept the current repression inside Tibet.
Yesterday on March 05, 2014, National Endowment for Democracy hosted a reception for Sikyong, and he addressed the invited group of about 90 people on “Challenges and Opportunities for Tibetan Democracy in Exile”.
Sikyong along with his private secretary Jigmey Namgyal returned back to India, with a see-off reception from the office of Tibet, New York, and the President of the Capitol Area Tibetan Association.

Tibet's Enduring Defiance

Tibet’s Enduring Defiance
by Tsering Woeser, 2 March 2014
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/03/opinion/international/tibets-enduring-defiance.html?emc=edit_tnt_20140302&tntemail0=y&_r=0
On Feb. 27, 2009, three days into the Tibetan New Year, a 24-year-old monk in his crimson and yellow robe emerged from the confines of the Kirti Monastery into the streets of Ngawa, in a the Tibetan area of southwestern China. There, in the shadow of a 98-foot-tall monument to the gods of longevity, the man burst into flames – thus sparking the first of many self-immolations that spread across the Tibetan regions of China.
The New Year celebrations had been muted, as Tibetans privately remembered those who had suffered in a harsh Chinese crackdown on Tibetans a year earlier – all of those who were murdered, jailed or disappeared. In the March 2008 repression, at least four Tibetans were reportedly executed, more than a thousand illegally detained and countless others went unaccounted for.
Tapey, who like many Tibetans goes by one name, had left a note warning that he would set himself on fire if the prayer ceremony commemorating the victims of the 2008 crackdown was canceled. When the order came down forbidding memorials, Tapey followed through on his threat.
Beginning with the case of Tapey, I set about documenting on my blog the circumstances of each self-immolation. Never could I have anticipated that so many Tibetans would follow his lead and give rise to a new mode of protest. Over the years, I had trouble keeping up with how fast the flames were devouring life after life. All told, 131 Tibetans have attempted suicide by self-immolation. Tapey survived, as have some others. But ascertaining exactly how many lived through the flames is impossible to know; the police take them away, and they remain incommunicado.
Never before have so many Tibetans sacrificed themselves to protest Chinese rule. The self-immolations, which continue to this day, show that even after more than 60 years of Chinese control of our land and livelihoods, Beijing is far from winning the hearts and minds of Tibetans and the resistance has not diminished in the least. All the while, Beijing pursues its policy of violent suppression, never heeding Tibetans’ demands for equality for all and the return of our spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, who has lived in exile for more than half a century.
Those who do not understand the plight of the Tibetans see self-immolation simply as suicide. Yet there are so many other ways to die. Why would anyone choose to commit suicide by having every inch of his body charred? This question holds the key to the driving force behind these desperate acts: Self-immolators seek to protest in the most extraordinary manner by
suffering what ordinary people could not possibly bear.
There was a time when wave after wave of Tibetans took to the streets, screamed slogans and distributed leaflets, only to be beaten up and thrown into jail. These mass rallies garnered as much notice as pebbles tossed into a stream. Since Beijing’s 2008 crackdown, the Tibet Autonomous Region has turned into what looks like an occupied zone, with checkpoint after
checkpoint and military installations everywhere. Large protests can no longer even get off the ground.
If Tibetans saw even a sliver of an opportunity to hold demonstrations, then they would not resort to self-immolation. This state of desperation was captured by the writer Gudrub, who declared before perishing in an act of self-immolation in the autonomous region in October 2012, “Our peaceful struggle must be radicalized.”
In the police state that is Tibet, it’s impossible to gauge public reaction to the self-immolations. Most Tibetans keep their heads down and do their best to comply with Beijing’s diktats – from flying the Chinese national flag to concealing likenesses of the Dalai Lama. But from my experience, it seems the vast majority of Tibetans harbor quiet sympathy for the
self-immolators and see them as martyrs. More and more portraits of self-immolators grace shrines in Tibetan homes.
The number of self-immolations peaked at 28 in November 2012, when a new slate of national leaders was installed during the 18th Communist Party Congress in Beijing. It was evident that the self-immolators were hoping that they could spur the new leaders toward a policy shift on Tibet.
But these hopes soon faded. Once the party’s chosen ones assumed their positions, they declared war on self-immolation, with harsh measures against “accessories,” meaning family members and relatives, villagers and even the monastery associated with any self-immolator. Since then, several hundred Tibetans have been arrested and imprisoned; many more have been given stiff fines and even barred from making pilgrimages to holy sites.
Of late, there have been far fewer self-immolations. But it would be wrong to see this as a sign that Beijing has gained the upper hand.
As the early 20th-century writer Lu Xun wrote, “The crack of thunder can be heard where there is silence.” Tibetans might be quiet for now, but the thunder of their voices will someday shake Tibet – and the world.

What is this "Middle Way" the Dalai Lama Preaches?

What is this “Middle Way” the Dalai Lama Preaches?
Bhuchung K. Tsering
http://weblog.savetibet.org
February 25, 2014
The latest meeting between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and President Barack Obama on February 21, 2014 has led to some developments, including in the Chinese Government asking the question, “What is this “middle way” the Dalai Lama preaches?” (via a Xinhua report on February 22).
If the Chinese authorities feign to know this even after the past many years of dialogue with his representatives, I believe the answer can be got by looking at some outcomes of the Obama-Dalai Lama meeting.
First, the meeting was followed by the most categorical statement  to date by the White House about President Obama supporting the Middle Way approach of the Dalai Lama.  In diplomacy where each and every word in such statements are weighed, the President not only “commended” the Middle Way approach (as has been done in 2010  and 2011 ), but also “expressed support” for it. The Chinese Government has sensed this and hence their Xinhua piece as well as the consternation shown by the Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman.
Secondly, and equally important is that the White House explained its understanding of the Middle Way. Spokesman Jay Carney   told the media on February 21, “The United States supports the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” approach of neither assimilation, nor independence for Tibetans in China.”
This is very much in tune with the thinking of the Dalai Lama who has always maintained that his Middle Way was avoiding the two extremes: between the present critical situation of the Tibetan people where their very identity’s survival is at stake and the other extreme of regaining Tibet’s independence.
Thirdly, it is also significant that the White House Spokesman says “The United States supports the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” approach.”  To me, this indicates that the support is not just the personal belief of the President, but also of the United States Government as a whole.
Therefore, the White House statement not only explains the fundamental concept of the Middle Way, but in the process it is a strong refutation of the Chinese Government’s attempt to discredit the Middle Way.
The Dalai Lama came forth with his Middle Way approach in earnest; as a sincere attempt to provide a solution that is mutually beneficial to the Tibetan and to the Chinese, and which takes into consideration China’s stability concerns.  He started formulating this approach internally way back in the 1970s  and so when the then Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping sent a message to him in 1978-79 that other than the issue of the independence of Tibet, everything else can be discussed and resolved, the Dalai Lama was able to respond positively.
Since then the Dalai Lama has stopped talking about Tibetan independence and has been calling for a solution that will enable the Tibetan people to livein dignity by preserving and promoting their distinct identity and heritage.
Diplomatically, the Dalai Lama came out with a series of initiatives, beginning with the Five Point Peace Plan in 1987 on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C. to the Strasbourg Proposal at the European Parliament in 1988, etc.  Instead of responding to these initiatives positively, the Chinese Government has continued to sweep the Tibetan problem under the carpet and to control the Tibetan people by force.
Above all, the Memorandum for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people, which the Dalai Lama’s envoys presented to the Chinese Government in 2008 clearly spells out the Tibetan position.  It outlines 11 areas in which the concerns of the Tibetan people needed to be addressed, all within the framework of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.
However, China ignores this aspect because it does not fit their politicalagenda and seek recourse to propaganda.
Those who know the Tibetan issue, know that Xinhua and the Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman repeat their well known narrative; since the Chinese authorities lack the political courage to address the genuine concerns of the Tibetan people, they find fault with each and every initiative of the Dalai Lama under his Middle Way approach.
The Chinese Government says, “the “middle way” approach demands independence by its very nature.” But the White House statement reflects the international community’s acknowledgement that the Dalai Lama’s approach is one that is not of independence, but of securing dignity and respect for the Tibetan people while addressing stability concerns of China.
Therefore, if there is one clear political message from the Obama-Dalai Lama meeting, it is this: the United States is against the assimilation of the Tibetan people and that the Middle Way is the solution to the Tibetan problem.
 
 
 

His Holiness the Dalai Lama Meets with President Barack Obama

His Holiness the Dalai Lama Meets with President Barack Obama
February 22, 2014 1:35 am
WASHINGTON, DC. FEBRUARY 21, 2014: His Holiness the Dalai Lama met with President Obama this morning at the White House. This was the third meeting between the Tibetan spiritual leader and the sitting American President. The earlier two meetings, also in the White House, took place on February 18th 2010 and July 16th 2011.
In an almost hour-long meeting, His Holiness shared his core commitment related to promotion of human values, fostering interfaith dialogue and preservation of Tibetan people’s unique culture and rich tradition. The two leaders also discussed issues related to morality and leadership, and how one can produce new generation of ethical leaders in the 21st century.
President Obama said that he was honored to meet His Holiness again. He reiterated his support for the preservation of the unique religious, cultural, and linguistic traditions of Tibet. The President extended support for His Holiness’ Middle Way Approach policy and reiterated that Chinese government should have constructive dialogue with His Holiness’ representatives without any precondition. President Obama asked His Holiness the Dalai Lama about Tibet and His Holiness explained the current situation. President Obama expressed his deep concern about the worsening human rights situation in Tibet and Tibetan areas in China.
Honorable Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay welcomed the meeting between His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and President Obama. “I welcome President Obama’s strong endorsement of the Middle Way Approach policy and constructive dialogue without any precondition. This meeting sends a powerful message of hope to Tibetans in Tibet who are undergoing immense suffering. The meeting reflects the American government and people’s continued commitment to freedom and democracy,” said the Sikyong.

Speech of Kelsang Gyaltsen at the 100th Tibet-Intergroup Meeting of the EP

Speech at 100th Meeting of the Tibet Intergroup of the European Parliament
http://www.tibet-europe..com/web/?p=682
Brussels, February 19, 2014
It is a great pleasure and an honour for my Tibetan colleagues and me to participate in this special meeting of the Tibet Intergroup of the European Parliament. This opportunity means a lot to us Tibetans. For it offers us the chance to express to you personally our sincere appreciation and gratitude for your sustained and committed support and solidarity with the non-violent freedom struggle of the Tibetan people.
Your support and friendship sends a clear message of hope, encouragement and solidarity to the people of Tibet at a time when Tibetans in Tibet are undergoing the harshest wave of repression and persecution since the Cultural Revolution. Last Thursday, Lobsang Dorjee, a 25 years old native of Ngaba county in Sichuan Province, became 126th Tibetan to resort to self-immolation to protest against the Chinese repression in Tibet. He is the second Tibetan to commit self-immolation in 2014.
As a Tibetan engaged in raising awareness and support for the cause of Tibet in Europe for many years, I am aware that there is a school of thought among politicians who consider public statements and resolutions condemning human rights abuses, calling for respect for human rights and peaceful conflict resolutions as empty gestures and window-dressing politic. They argue that such acts constitute a “loss of face” of the Chinese leadership and hence counterproductive. But on the other hand they are not willing to consider whether such restrain in avoiding the loss of face of Chinese leaders is also leading to the loss of more life of the repressed and persecuted people.
The so-called “silent diplomacy”, which this school of thought favours, often result – whether deliberately or unintentionally – in evasion, denial and silence about oppression, injustice and abuse of basic rights and freedoms. This is psychologically and morally more devastating for victims of oppression and injustice than the actual repressive measures
In the case of Tibet we realize that there is little that can be done from the outside that immediately brings some improvements in the difficult situation of Tibetans in Tibet. However, statements of concern and support and resolutions on human rights violations in Tibet by distinguished bodies such as the European Parliament send the message to the people in Tibet that they are not forgotten, that Europe cares and is aware of their suffering and that Europe is committed in promoting a peaceful and just resolution to the issue of Tibet. This is a message with tremendous power to give hope and uplift the spirit of the Tibetans in Tibet. This is also the way to persuade Tibetans in Tibet not to loose hope and patience and not to resort to self-immolation in acts of protest. The Tibetan leadership in exile will continue to appeal to our countrymen to refrain from such drastic forms of protest.
Despite the very grim current situation in Tibet I believe there are grounds to entertain a degree of hope and optimism for some movements on the issue of Tibet in the near future.
First of all the spirit of resistance of the Tibetan people in Tibet has never been stronger than today. Tibetans in Tibet have never been more united and determined in reasserting and defending their distinct culture, religion, language and identity. The majority of Tibetans in the frontline of the protest are under 30 years of age. This is a clear indication that this popular resistance is to stay on for a long time to come.
Furthermore, with little notice taken outside of China a vigorous internal debate has been going on in China on policies towards the minorities. Such a national debate on minorities has been non-existent in China a few years ago. This is a clear indication of the increasing awareness and importance of issues related with minorities in China.
Moreover, there is a new leadership in China. According to information from Chinese sources within the new Chinese leadership there are people who feel that there is a need to address the problems in Tibet. But it also says that there is strong opposition to such views. The policy announcements after the Third Plenum of the Chinese Communist Party indicate that the top leadership will take more control of issues such as Tibet and Xinjiang. This is to be welcomed. So far the ossified and hard-line attitude of the entrenched party bureaucracy dealing exclusively with minorities policies has been the major obstacle to any changes on the Tibet issue. Moreover, the new Chinese leadership is yet to formulate and announce its thinking and policy on Tibet.
There is movement in China on issues that have a bearing on the Tibet issue. Because of these developments it is a crucial time for members of international community to engage the Chinese government on Tibet. There is a unique window of opportunity to act on Tibet. The European Union can play a leading role in the opening of a new page in Tibetan-Chinese relations under the new leadership in China which is marked by the spirit of dialogue and reconciliation.
For this to happen there is a need for robust, coherent and concerted efforts by members of the international community. In this context it is crucial that the Tibet Intergroup of the European Parliament continues to take the lead in international efforts promoting a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet through dialogue and negotiations. I am, therefore, appealing to you personally and to the leaders of the European Parliament to ensure that the next legislative of the European Union continues with the long and honourable tradition of championing the peaceful and just cause of the Tibetan people by reconstituting a strong and vocal Tibet Intergroup.  The people of Tibet need your continued support and solidarity.
Thank you

This woman is the voice of Tibet for China and the world

This woman is the voice of Tibet for China and the world
http://www.pri.org/stories/2014-02-11/woman-voice-tibet-china-and-world
(link includes 4m 30s audio)
Public Radio international, 11 Feb 2014
When a 29 year-old Tibetan man set himself on fire earlier this month to protest Chinese rule there, he was among more than 100 who have chosen this form of protest. And the world might not have heard of them except for the writing of Tsering Woeser.
Woeser grew up in Tibet, but now lives in Beijing with her Chinese husband. When I met her there in November, she had just returned from a three month trip to Lhasa, the capital of China’s Tibet Autonomous Region.
Tibetans visiting Lhasa from outside the holy city are forced to give up their ID cards, Woeser told me. They also are required to stay in designated areas.
“This kind of segregation I thought would never happen to us [Tibetans],” Woeser said. “This only applies to Tibetans, not Han [ethnic Chinese] people. If they enter Tibet, they can move around completely freely.”
Woeser said this is the kind of Chinese policy that explains why more than 120 Tibetans have self-immolated in protest of Chinese rule since 2009. She published a book late last year that profiles the Tibetans who have set themselves on fire.
“I am a Tibetan and I wanted to explain why Tibetans continue to self-immolate as a political protest,” she said. “They are suffering a lot and the world has kept silent.”
In addition to her books, Woeser is a prolific blogger. Interestingly, she writes in Chinese, the language she grew up with in school in Tibetan towns in southwestern Sichuan province. This makes Woeser’s voice for the rights of Tibetans unique, says Elliot Sperling of Indiana University’s Tibetan Studies Program.
“There is a tendency among many people who are interested in Tibet to see Tibet as frozen in this sort of idealistic Buddhist, or even folk, kind of culture. But all culture is dynamic.”
Sperling says Woeser embodies this dynamism. Other Tibetan intellectuals are doing the same from afar. Many of them live in the West and they read and write in English. “But Woeser really represents this within the People’s Republic of China,” he said. “In other words, she represents somebody who’s very much engaged in the modern world.”
That brings big challenges, of course. Tibet is a highly sensitive issue for the Chinese government.
Beijing claims the rights of Tibetans are protected in China. And that the government has gone out of its way to help develop Tibet’s economy and preserve its unique culture.
And people in China tend to buy that line, which makes Woeser’s work all the more vital, says Tenzin Tethong. He is a former cabinet member of the Tibetan government-in-exile, who is now working for Radio Free Asia in Washington, DC.
“This is the one area where the Tibetan story is least understood,” Tethong said. “[The] vast majority of the Chinese public have had a very general understanding that since Tibet became part of the PRC [People’s Republic of China], Tibetan life has improved dramatically for the better, when in reality, there are very, very serious issues going on.”
Last year, Woeser was recognized by Secretary of State John Kerry at a ceremony for the recipients of the International Women of Courage awards. He praised her “for courageously striving to improve human rights conditions for China’s Tibetan citizens by illuminating their plight through her writings, and thus giving eloquent voice to those whose stories might otherwise never be heard.”
But Woeser could not accept the award herself. She was under house arrest in Beijing, which is a recurring nuisance for her.
Woeser continues to publish books outside of China, and to blog. She has more than 47,000 followers on Twitter. But still, I asked, is she really getting through to people in China?
“I have been writing about Tibet issues for so many years,” she said. “I think there is some effect. You just have to keep repeating the truth and eventually, people will start to listen. Besides, what else is there to do?”
As Woeser puts it in the epilogue of her book, Voices of Tibet, “As a writer, I have found my conviction to write coming into focus gradually: To write is to experience; to write is to pray; to write is to bear witness. Experience, prayer and bearing witness all intertwine. And to bear witness is to give voice.”