Dalai Lama to speak at Sydney University
AAP      April 23, 2013 8:20PM
The University of Sydney has agreed to host a lecture by the Dalai Lama in June after previously being accused of withdrawing the invitation for political reasons.
The university said it never received any official request for an appearance by the Tibetan spiritual leader.
However, emails from the uni’s vice-chancellor Michael Spence referred to a decision to “withdraw support for hosting His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s planned speech”, the ABC reported last week.
The report led to allegations that Sydney University, which has close ties to the Chinese government, dropped the invitation for political reasons.
The university’s Institute for Democracy and Human Rights (IDHR) and representatives of the Dalai Lama have now agreed to host an on-campus lecture for students in mid-June, IDHR director John Keane said.
“It is hoped the mid-June event will form part of a determined commitment of the University of Sydney to develop a constructive dialogue on matters concerning Tibet and the wider region,” he said in a statement on Tuesday.
Mr Keane said IDHR and the University of Sydney also remain “firmly committed” to the principle that academics are free to invite anyone to the campus who has a legitimate contribution to public debate.
The Dalia Lama will speak under the theme ‘Education Matters’ in the event open for university students only.
The Dalai Lama no longer makes political statements but is blamed by the Chinese Government for the continued self-immolation of Tibetan monks.
Read more: http://www.news.com.au/breaking-news/national/dalai-lama-to-speak-at-sydney-university/story-e6frfku9-1226627375101#ixzz2RKD0warL

21 Tibetans Arrested in Protest Against Rampant Land Grabbing in Kyegudo
April 12, 2013 5:43 pm
DHARAMSHALA: More than 21 Tibetans are arrested after hundreds of local Tibetans in Kyegudo region of Kham protested against the local Chinese authorities on 9 April.
The Tibetans were protesting against rampant land grabbing and forceful eviction of Tibetan families from their ancestral homes in the Kyegudo region. Six Tibetans are reported to be seriously injured during confrontation with the Chinese security forces.
The local Chinese authorities have announced further plans to destroy 200 more homes to create more land for industries and private ownership.
Self-immolation against Land Grabbing
After the devastating 2010 earthquake, thousands of Tibetans in Kyegudo have been rendered homeless due to a rampant land grabbing rush by Chinese authorities in the area.
Two Tibetan women have also set themselves on fire protesting against these forced evictions and the lack of any concrete help from the central government in Beijing.

 
Translation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s remarks to the Tibetans gathered during his Teaching at Salugara, West Bengal, on 29 March 2013
Two years ago, I took retirement from my political responsibility. In addition to my personal retirement, it also ended the nearly 400-year old system, established from the time of the Fifth Dalai Lama and followed by the successive Dalai Lamas, of being both the spiritual and temporal ruler of Tibet. This system proved useful during its time, now the time has changed. Even in the future, when the time comes for the Tibetans in exile and Tibet to be living together, I had already mentioned long time back that there would not be a situation where we will be at the helms. Not only that, even whether the institution of the Dalai Lama will exist or not, is needed or not, will be decided by the concerned people at that time. I have said that as early as 1969.
Since around 12 years back, I have been in semi-retirement, with our political leadership being appointed through elections since 2001. Thereafter, my status had been that of a semi-retirement. Around two years ago, we saw the completion of two five-year terms (for ten years) of the elected Kalon Tripa. During the elections, Tibetans in different countries were paying good attention and taking good responsibility in the election process. Therefore, I felt the time had come for my complete retirement, ending (as we Tibetans would say, in a good era and in a good way, and with auspiciousness) the system of Gaden Phodrang assuming political responsibility.
This did not happen unwillingly, but took place happily, joyously and voluntarily. Leaders that I know, whether in India, the United States or other places, have all commended my decision saying it was very good.
Among Tibetans, while the immediate reaction has been that of uneasiness, yet after the reasons for this have been explained everyone has concurred. Since the current period is one where we are struggling for freedom, our proceeding 100 per cent on the democratic path has only strengthened the power of the struggle. It has increased the opportunity for support from across the world. We are not holding on to the old system, like an old dog holding on to a bone, but rather we are implementing progress and changes with the times. Therefore, there have been many benefits.
I have taken such a decision not because I have become discouraged, nor have I relinquished the authority because I have lost hope for the cause of Tibet. So I would like to tell you all not to worry about it.
The Tibetan struggle is not for the cause of a few Tibetans; it is a struggle for the just cause of the entire Tibetan people, and the Tibetans inside Tibet are the primary in this.  I have always stated that I consider myself as the free spokesperson of Tibetans inside Tibet, rather than their leader or someone who gives order to them.
Therefore, it was my responsibility to explain the aspirations of the Tibetan people, and the real situation inside Tibet. It is my responsibility to place the aspirations of the Tibetans in Tibet before other people. Tibetans living inside Tibet continue to have remarkable courage and determination.
Secondly, the territory under the then Gaden Phodrang government only included Tibetans living in areas of U and Tsang, and parts of Dhotoe, on this side of the Drichu River. But today, there is a great and astounding sense of unity amongst Tibetans in all Dhotoe, Dhomey, and U-tsang [three traditional provinces of Tibet]. In the seventh, eighth and the ninth centuries, during the time of the religious kings, Tibetans from the three provinces were subjects of one King. Around the ninth century, when Tibet began to break up, there was political disintegration. Although in terms of religion and culture they continued to be one, politically it had waned greatly.
Today, however, on account of many external and internal factors, there is an admirable sense of Tibetan unity and Tibetan-ness. Much attention is being paid to one’s religion and culture. Likewise, those of us in exile have, under much difficulty in the past more than fifty years, remained steadfast in our courage and altruistic disposition. In the process of accepting the challenges we have shown remarkable distinction compared to other similar refugee communities. We don’t have to pronounce this ourselves as many people who work with refugee communities and know Tibetans, have made this observation. This is primarily the fruition of the altruistic disposition and courage of the greater Tibetan people who faced the challenges. In this connection, today, I would like to thank the Tibetans from Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Gangtok. You have all been enthusiastic to date and done well. I thank you for from the bottom of my heart for your zealousness.  You all are able to represent the greater Tibetan people well. Thank you.
In terms of an approach to resolve the Tibetan issue in the future, in 1974 we decided on a policy — not in the spirit of “I win, others lose,” but being of benefit to the Chinese Government and also to the Tibetan people – which is the mutually beneficial Middle Way Approach.
In late 1978 and 1979 there was a situation when we had direct contact with Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Government under his leadership. It was easy for us to establish this contact with the Chinese Government then because we had already decided on a mutually beneficial approach a few years earlier.
Following the harsh policy imposed all over China in the 1980s, when the democracy movement came to China, the Tibetans also experienced harshness under that overall policy. Otherwise, during Hu Yaobang’s time there was great hope. But Hu Yaobang was dismissed. Thereafter, Zhao Ziyang also was not able to achieve anything. Thus, it was somewhat like our misfortune that our contact with the Chinese Government did not result in anything concrete.
At the same time, inside Tibet, when the series of protests as a result of desperate attempt to air grievances were becoming bigger, there was violent suppression, and the situation is heartrending currently.
However, in the past several years, more than 20 and 30 years, and especially after the 2008 protests, I have been meeting many Chinese; Chinese intellectuals and students (I have met several thousand students who are studying in the United States and Europe, etc.). In terms of Chinese intellectuals, there have been many prominent ones who have come to meet me.
Also, we have had regular discussion sessions with Chinese scholars.
Among these Chinese intellectuals and students, some of them after hearing our explanation of the Middle Way Approach, express understanding and are greatly elated. In essence, there has been strong support from among the Chinese people to our Middle Way Approach.
Around last year, I received a hand written letter in Chinese from a Chinese living in Beijing. He was an intellectual. He said that in the past although he knew the Dalai Lama was a spiritual leader, he considered him a political separatist. However, he went on a pilgrimage to Wu Taishan where he met a [Tibetan] monk from India (who was on a pilgrimage there) who spoke good
Chinese. When the monk explained the Dalai Lama’s effort to resolve the Tibetan-Chinese problem through the Middle-Way approach, the scholar had written that he felt that this mutually beneficial solution would be supported by 100 percent of the people in China, if only they knew. This is a factual development.
Whatever it is, I have been meeting many Chinese. All of them hold the Middle Way Approach in great esteem saying this is also of benefit to China. They are greatly pleased. At the official level, the Chinese government has not budged, but if we ask:  Is the government important or are the people important? Obviously in the long run, people are more important.
Our mutually beneficial Middle Way policy continues to attract widespread support among the Chinese people, particularly from intellectuals like Liu Xiao Bo in China. It is also admired and supported by many Chinese intellectuals and democracy activists in the US. And most importantly, my fellow Tibetans in Tibet, intellectuals, writers, artists, teachers, etc: I have met hundreds of them.  They say that all Tibetans may want independence in their heart, but we need to see what is achievable and what can resolve the current problem. Therefore, the mutually beneficial Middle Way Approach is rational that can be explained to Chinese and that can be discussed.
I have met many Tibetan intellectuals from inside Tibet and none among them has suggested that we proceed on the path of independence.  We do have the rights. The situation is clear if we look at the 7th, 8th and 9th centuries. From the time of our religious kings, it has been said that Tibetans will be happy in Tibet and the Chinese will be happy in China. With a distinct language and script, we have a different tradition and are a separate people.
However, the world is changing now. If we look at China, when the previous Dalai Lama was returning to Tibet after being in exile in India, the Chinese Emperor was no longer there and revolution was beginning. Even in his testament, his remarks, the previous Dalai Lama had said that China had then become like a pond whose water source had dried up. Today, China is not a pond whose water source had dried up. These days, some people seem to say that the previous Dalai Lama had done like this and the 14th Dalai Lama is not capable enough. We have to think carefully. We have every right to claim independence, but Tibet is in a critical situation now. We have different language, culture, and tradition, and if we gradually really think on a mutually beneficial solution; for example, I usually ask the Chinese to look at the situation in India. The East, South, West, and the North of India have different languages, different scripts, but there is no risk of separation as everyone receives equal facilities, and because there is rule of law, democracy and freedom. Tibet has different language and script and if the Chinese treat Tibetans, as they talk about brethren nationalities, respect, love and provide equal rights, Tibetans will also consider accordingly.  This is because we, too, need to consider our interest at the broader level.
Occasionally, I have been saying this clearly and I wanted to say this here today.  Among Tibetans in exile, as also those from Tibet who stay in India for few months, there are those who depart for the United States and Europe. They do so not out of concern for religion, but for dollars. So, Tibetans need money and finance. Therefore, rather than living poorly in independence (which we cannot achieve), if Tibetans get good economic development by living within the People’s Republic of China, and at the same time if we can preserve and promote our language, religion and culture. In particular, China today has around 400 -500 million Buddhists, and every week ten to twenty mainland Chinese Buddhists come to Dharamsala. When we meet them, most of them cry and urge me not to forget the Chinese Buddhists. Although there are difficulties, many Chinese also attend important teachings when
there are Chinese translators, like thousands of Mainland Chinese pilgrims visited Bodhgaya last year during the Kalachakra teachings. Even in the past, many Chinese emperors have been enamored by Tibetan religion and culture and have become Buddhists, and practiced Tibetan religion.  In the future, too, many Chinese will be interested in Buddhism, in particular Tibetan Buddhism. Even today, there are many Chinese showing interest in Tibetan Buddhism.
Therefore, we have to think from a broader perspective. China is economically a powerful country and so we need to see how we can benefit from that.  From the religious and cultural perspective, in addition to preserving and promoting Tibetan religion and culture, if we can help hundreds of millions of Chinese Buddhists, it also benefits the Buddha Dharma as also the individual people.  This is mutually beneficial.
So, you must understand that the Middle-Way Approach has concretely yielded some fundamental results. The issue of not having any results by talking to Chinese government is from only one aspect. It cannot represent the entire aspect. If we look at it from a wider perspective, from the people level, we have achieved a very good result.
Whatever it is, under the Middle Way Approach, if the Chinese government has some flexible thinking, we are in a position of establishing contact comfortably. If we keep on claiming independence, we ourselves are closing that door for contacts. Even if the Chinese show an indication of being in contact with us, it would be like our side would have closed the door then. So we have to think carefully about this.
So, you Tibetans from Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Gangtok, we all have the responsibility for our common cause. Though I have already retired, I am still a Tibetan and an Amdowa (We have not been under the Gaden Phodrang in the past). Most importantly, the Tibetans in Tibet continue to put their trust in me and to place their faith in me. Similarly, the Tibetans in exile put their trust in me and place their faith in me.  So I retain a responsibility. That is why I thought I would speak a little bit on the fundamental issue of Tibet at this gathering.  You should think over this.
In the past 60 years, China has changed dramatically. Today’s China is greatly different from the one over 30 or 40 years back. Today’s China has some freedom of expression. Some Tibetans say that when they are in Tibetan areas, especially Lhasa, there are severe restrictions but when they are in China there is immense freedom. Therefore, China is changing.
On our Tibetan issue, the current condition in Tibet is such that China faces mortification while Tibet experiences suffering. It is only harming both the sides and nothing else. Therefore, if China thinks rationally, it will help China as well as the Tibetans.  Since the Middle Way Approach is on a path of mutual benefit, I have full confidence that it will produce results in the future. Please understand this and bear it in mind.
Tashi Delek.  See you later.
N.B. This has been translated from the original remarks given in Tibetan. If there is any discrepancy between the two, please treat the Tibetan version as authoritative and final.

PRESS RELEASE BY THE COMITÉ DE APOYO AL TÍBET (CAT)
22 March 2013
HU JINTAO DENOUNCED FOR INTERNATIONAL CRIMES IN TIBET AFTER LOSING IMMUNITY FROM PROSECUTION
Yesterday morning 21st March, less than a week after Hu Jintao stepped down as China’s leader and lost his immunity from prosecution, the CAT, the Fundación Casa del Tíbet and the private accusation of Thubten Wangchen, lodged an extension to the initial lawsuit at the Audiencia Nacional’s nº 2 court.
The now former President of China, Hu Jintao, who left office on 15th March 2013, is accused of committing the crimes of genocide and serious violations of the Geneva Conventions against the Tibetan people that are being tried by this court. Despite conclusive proof of his direct responsibility in the case, he was not included in the list of accused until yesterday because of his immunity.
The document lodged is based on documented evidence, expert reports and depositions already presented to the Audiencia Nacional’s nº1 and nº2 courts and on the original lawsuit for genocide. Of particular importance are the two most recent expert reports by the International Campaign for Tibet and the Human Rights Law foundation. The international expert Kate Saunders, when ratifying the above mentioned report before the judge in December 2012, specifically put forward and extended the description of the chain of command that existed in the People’s Republic of China. In her deposition she also referred specifically to Hu Jintao as being directly responsible for the repression in Tibet.
Hu Jintao held the important post of Party Secretary of  the Tibet Autonomous Region from 1988 to 1992. During his years in that post he supervised and gave orders, to violently repress the Tibetan people. What is more, these criminal acts were recognised and applauded by Party leaders at a meeting of the Politburós Standing Committee in October 1989 at a time when martial law in Tibet was having its most repressive results.
Similarly, Hu Jintao, as was denounced in ICT’s report presented to the Spanish court, formed part of the core of top Chinese leaders who met in Beijing in July 1994 at the Third Work Forum on Tibet to draw up the policies aimed at rapid economic development in Tibet whilst trying to undermine loyalty to the Dalai Lama; and he took part as president in July 2001 in the Fourth Work Forum on Tibet, where similar policies were consolidated under the imperative of “vigorously adapting Tibetan Buddhism to socialism”.
This accusation is also based on declarations by other witnesses at the Spanish central court nº 1 on 22 April 2009; a case that was shelved due to a lack of national connection and absence of Spanish victims – two highly controversial reasons bordering on inconstitutional  given the Universal nature of the law – and whose appeal is still pending resolution by the Constitutional Court.
This denouncement is a solemn promise that the CAT’s team made to the victims who took part in the legal process as witnesses and to the many Tibetans who have followed the process and who have asked us why we had not accused him before for what was obvious to those who suffered indescribably during Hu Jintao´s mandate.
CAT’s concluding remarks:
The CAT has always acted on these legal cases according to basic principles, the precepts of international law and motivated only by the victims and the hope of truth, accountability  and “never again” on behalf of Tibetan victims.  We are well aware of the permanent clichés of whether international law is slow or ineffective or not, that money is all that matters, that these cases are merely symbolic and the rumble of what is the measure of success in these highly politised cases. All that is background noise to us. The only measure of success is doing your best to seek truth and accountability and staying away from the changing winds of political convenience. The rest is out of our hands. Thus, all the classic distortions, clichés or speculations of a political and economic nature are part of our surroundings but not part of our job.  We believe that not doing anything is the only measure of failure.
END ON THE PRESS RELEASE

Tibet among world’s most repressed societies: US senator
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/news-by-industry/et-cetera/tibet-among-worlds-most-repressed-societies-us-senator/articleshow/19077589.cms
WASHINGTON: Expressing concerns about the continuing unrest in Tibet and the tragic trend of self-immolations, a top US senator has alleged that the region is among the most repressed and closed societies of the world.
“Tibet today is one of the most repressed and closed societies in the world, where merely talking on the phone can land you in jail. Support for the Dalai Lama can be prosecuted as an offence against the state,” Senator Robert Menendez, Chariman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee said.
“Tibetans are treated as second class citizens; their travel within and outside of Tibetan areas is highly restricted. Foreign diplomats and journalists are routinely denied access,” he said on the Senate floor yesterday.
Since February 2009, more than 100 Tibetans have set themselves on fire, he noted.
Many of the self-immolators have called for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet and for China to acknowledge the basic human dignity of the Tibetan people.
“Like so many others, I wish that Tibetans would not choose self-immolations, a horrific act, as a method of protest. I hope Tibetans will find other ways to express their grievances and despair and halt these self-destructive acts,” he said.
“At the same time, we must understand that these sorts of acts are indicative of the deep sense of frustration felt by the Tibetan people. This is not a conspiracy of “foreign forces” but indicative of the deep sense of hopelessness of a people denied their basic dignity,” Menendez said.
He observed that Americans see Tibet as an issue of fundamental justice and fairness, where the fundamental human rights o the Tibetan people, as embodied in the Chinese constitution, are not being respected; where their culture is being eroded; and where their land is being exploited.
Menendez said thus the responsibility falls to the US to help the Tibetan people in their efforts to preserve their culture and identity and have a say in their own affairs and to be able to exercise genuine autonomy within China.
“We should continue to fund the important programmes that help Tibetan communities, both in exile and on the Tibetan plateau. While these provide tangible humanitarian results, they also send a critical signal to the aggrieved Tibetan population that the United States hears their plea,” he said.
The United States, he said should work with the UN to secure access to Tibet for independent international observers and media members.
“The State Department should continue to insist on access to Tibet by its personnel. We need independent and credible reporting on the true situation on the ground, and the Department should work with China to take steps to see that the principle of reciprocity is respected,” Menendez argued.
“Peaceful resolution of the Tibet issue could go a long way in demonstrating to the world that China is indeed a responsible and constructive member of the community of nations. In turn, Beijing’s growing influence in the Himalayan belt, especially Nepal, should be assessed in a broader dialogue with other nations in the region,” Menendez said.

Mandie McKeown
Campaigns Coordinator, International Tibet Network
http://www.tibetnetwork.org
e: mandie@tibetnetwork.org, campaigns@tibetnetwork.org
t: +44 7748 158 618
skype: carymckeown
~ Stand Up for Tibet | Sign the pledge ~ www.standupfortibet.org  ~

The Failure of Western Human Rights Policy: Fallacies and Misconceptions about China
Posted on March 13, 2013
12 March 2013 – Geneva, Switzerland, by Kelsang Gyaltsen, Special Representative of H. H. the Dalai Lama to Europe
delivered for the Conference by The World Uyghur Congress WUC on Human Rights in China: Implications of New Leadership for East Turkestan, Tibet and Southern Mongolia’
Many Western governments, including the United States and the European Union, are engaged in bilateral „Human Rights Dialogue“ with China. This dialogue is adopted as the primary instrument to promote human rights in the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
Today, after nearly two decades of bilateral human rights dialogue, it is an open secret that this approach has failed to produce any tangible progress. This is admitted even by diplomats conducting the dialogue in private discussions and by a number of authoritative studies.
There is despondency and dispiritedness among diplomats in the foreign policy community about the dismal records of their human rights engagement with China. They realize that there is something fundamentally wrong with the present human rights policy of their governments vis-à-vis China.
This conclusion is right. The present Western governments’ policy on human rights with regard to China is based on some basic fallacies and misconceptions about China.
In the West there has always been a school of thought that contends that “quiet diplomacy” is the more effective way in dealing with China on human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The logical consequence of this has been for Western governments to exercise restraint in order to avoid “the loss of face” of Chinese leaders. And it is obvious and clear that this restraint to avoid the loss of face of Chinese leaders has a part in the loss of lives of an increasing large number of Tibetans and in the overall deteriorating human rights situation in the PRC.
It is clear that the Chinese willingness to engage in bilateral human rights dialogue only aims to prevent public discussion of her human rights record. The Western engagement in bilateral human rights dialogue – without any conditions and benchmarks – is seen by the Chinese government as a sign that Western governments’ priority is smooth relations on a wide range of issues of mutual interest rather than tension and confrontation over human rights.
The Chinese government does not see this engagement by Western governments as conciliatory nor as goodwill gesture but simply as weakness on human rights principles.
The Chinese government thinks and accepts that Western governments need to raise human rights with them in order to mollify the public at home. But the Chinese government never seems to have felt any real pressure to introduce any meaningful initiatives on human rights in China. As a result the credibility of Western human rights policy has been lost. Sadly, the bilateral human rights dialogue has become a ritual exercise that help to avoid the loss of face of not only the Chinese leaders but that of the Western governments, too.
Psychologically China has been skilful in cornering the Western governments in a defensive position by constantly lamenting “the humiliation” inflicted on China by Western colonialism. By exploiting the bad conscience of Western powers about their colonial past China has been able to reject any criticism of their human rights record as “interference in the internal matters” of China with impunity.
This is, however, in complete breach and contradiction of the universality and indivisibility of the declaration of human rights. Moreover, if such argument is tolerated then the question arises why this should not be applicable to other countries in Africa and Asia with similar history?
Another fundamental fallacy of the Western approach to promote human rights in China is the exclusive focus on engagement with the government. However, ultimately, it is the defenders and activists of human rights and advocates of democracy and the rule of law in those countries who will shape the future course of their country. Consequently, an effective human rights policy must aim at encouraging and strengthening those forces of human rights and democracy. Unfortunately, instead of considering every statement and every initiative how they might affect the spirit and actual situation of the people advocating greater respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms at great personal risks some Western governments take the sensitivity of the Chinese leaders as a measure for dealing with China on human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
The West knows from the testimonies of dissidents in the formerly Communist countries in Eastern Europe, such as the late former Czech President Vaclav Havel, how important official and public expression of solidarity and support from free countries in the West have been in sustaining their hope and aspirations of freedom. The West must now apply to the Communist rulers in Beijing the lessons learnt from dealing with Communist rulers in Eastern Europe and of the Soviet Union.
The attitude of Western governments towards China still seems very much influenced by the legacy of the Cold War. During the Cold War the Soviet Union was the enemy of the Western Bloc whereas China was seen more as an ally. Although Communism and one-party rule in China have been no less brutal and oppressive than in the former Soviet Union, the Western attitude towards Communist China has been more tolerant and conciliatory – irrespective of the immense systematic and widespread violations of human rights in the PRC. Tens of millions of Chinese perished in waves of political purges and campaigns carried out by the Chinese Communist Party. Nonetheless Western media and governments often portray Chinese Communism as benign. Mao was an icon of the Western youth in late 1960s and 70s. Even today, there are people who propagate the one-party rule of China as the more suitable and efficient alternative to Western style democracy. In this way there still continues to exist many fallacies and misconceptions about China impeding the formulation of a more realistic and firmer policy vis-à-vis China.
Against this background a more effective and robust human rights policy requires a return and rededication to basic values and principles of Europe. At the core of Europe’s spirit is the fundamental belief in the inherent equality and dignity of all human beings and in the values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. With this spirit Europe succeeded in defeating and eliminating tyranny and despotism from the Continent of Europe.
Europe needs to realize that in our heavily interdependent and interconnected world our own basic rights and freedoms are not secure and safe as long as there are dictatorships and despotism in other parts of the world. Unfortunately, it is often those who are deprived of their human rights who are least able to speak up for themselves. This responsibility rests with those of us who do enjoy such freedoms.
It is, therefore, important that Europe’s commitment to human rights, democracy and the rule of law does not halt at the borders of Europe. A rededication to these basic values will strengthen political will and self-confidence needed for a principled and robust European human rights policy. With sustained and coordinated effort and a clear common political strategy and agenda on human rights Europe can play a crucial leading role in the promotion of human rights, democracy and the rule of law in China and thus also contributing to the alleviation of plight of the Tibetan people and a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet through dialogue and negotiations.

THE STATEMENT OF SIKYONG DR. LOBSANG SANGAY ON THE 54TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING DAY
On this day in 1959, thousands of Tibetans from all walks of life and all three regions of Tibet (U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo) converged in Lhasa to resist and protest the Chinese invasion and occupation of Tibet. We are the children of this tragic yet historic moment in Tibet’s rich, unique, 2,000-plus year history. Today, we are gathered here to re-dedicate ourselves to the brave struggle started by the selfless elder generation. We pay tribute to all those who have sacrificed their lives for Tibet. The yearning for freedom that moved our elders to undertake the epochal events of March 10, 1959 is a beacon that guides our present-day struggle to secure our basic freedom, dignity and identity.
The continuing vicious cycle of repression and resentment in Tibet is manifested in the devastating number of Tibetans setting themselves on fire.  Since 2009, 107 Tibetans have
self-immolated including 28 in November 2012 just before and during the 18th Party Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. Sadly, 90 of them have died. Such a high toll is perhaps unprecedented in recent world history. Though most of the self-immolators are monks, their ranks include the full spectrum of Tibetans – nomads, farmers and students – from all three Tibetan regions of U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo including the capital city of Lhasa.  We dedicate this day to all the self-immolators and those who have died for Tibet.
The occupation and repression in Tibet by the government of the People’s Republic of China are the primary conditions driving Tibetans to self-immolation. Tibetans witness and experience China’s constant assault on Tibetan Buddhist civilization, their very identity and dignity. They deeply resent China’s demonization of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. They look on with alarm as Chinese settlers stream into Tibet, taking away Tibetan jobs, land and their very future – –and in the process, transforming Tibetan towns and cities into Chinatowns. They oppose the forced removal of hundreds of thousands of nomads from the grasslands to permanent ghettos, reducing formerly self-sufficient families to impoverishment. They see colonial-like development activities cart away billions of dollars worth of Tibetan natural resources to a resource-hungry China. These policies could easily lead one to suspect that
China wants Tibet but not the Tibetan people.
Yet when Tibetans respond to these violations with even the slightest show of dissent, they risk prolonged imprisonment, torture, public humiliation and disappearance at the hands of security forces.  The prohibition of peaceful protest and harsh punishments compel Tibetans to resort to self-immolation. They choose death rather than silence and submission to the Chinese authorities. Recent attempts by the authorities to criminalize self-immolators, and persecute their family members and friends through sham trials are likely to prolong the cycle of self-immolation, persecution, and more immolation.
Through various media, the Kashag has consistently appealed and categorically discouraged Tibetans in Tibet from self-immolating as a form of protest. Life is precious and as human beings we do not want anyone to die in such a manner. As Buddhists, we pray for the soul of the deceased.  As Tibetans, it is our sacred duty to support  the aspirations of Tibetans in Tibet: the return of His Holiness the great Fourteenth Dalai Lama to Tibet, freedom for the Tibetan people, and unity among Tibetans.
The only way to end this brutal and grave situation is for China to change its current hard line Tibet policy by respecting the aspirations of the Tibetan people.
The Kashag is fully committed to the Middle Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibetans, to solve the issue of Tibet. His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama has shown this to be the most viable and enduring approach. After careful deliberations, the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile unanimously adopted the Middle Way Approach.  It is supported by Tibetans inside and outside Tibet, and has garnered the support of key foreign governments, world leaders, and Nobel laureates. It has, in particular, resonated and supported by a growing number of Chinese intellectuals, scholars and writers.
At this time, the Kashag hopes that the new Chinese leadership will view this pragmatic political approach, which bridges both Tibetan and Chinese interests, as a win-win solution. In 2002, the resumption of dialogue gave hope to Tibetans for a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet. Unfortunately, this hope has been shaken by the present stalemate in the dialogue process.
Tibet is not a constitutional or an institutional problem for the government of the People’s Republic of China. As per Article 31 of the PRC Constitution, China has created a separate
institutional mechanism of one country, two systems for Hong Kong and Macau. The Chinese leadership has also displayed the political will by forming a cabinet level committee to deal with Taiwan (Republic of China). However, when it comes to Tibet, the Chinese leadership has neither employed the available constitutional mechanism at its disposal, nor has it shown the political will to resolve the issue peacefully. From our side, we consider substance primary and process secondary, and are ready to engage in meaningful dialogue anywhere, at any
time.
Finding a just and lasting solution to the issue of Tibet is also in the interest of the world at large. Tibet, one of the oldest civilizations is viewed as the Third Pole as its glaciers feed the 10 river systems of Asia. It will contribute to the peace and prosperity of over a billion people in Asia who live downstream and depend on Tibet’s water for sustenance. A speedy resolution will send the right message and serve as a model for other freedom struggles as the Tibetan struggle is one firmly anchored in non-violence and democracy.  Last, but not the least, solving the issue of Tibet could be a catalyst for moderation of China.
We extend our deepest gratitude to the great people and government of India. We are also immensely grateful to all governments, international organizations, Tibet Support Groups and individual supporters across the globe for their supportive resolutions, statements, and for their unflinching and generous support. At the same time, we believe that the moment
has come for governments and the international community to take concrete actions to press the Chinese government to enter into meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan leadership.
We call on the international community to press the Chinese government to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights entry into Tibet,  and also to give access to diplomats and the international media. Only in this way can the truth about the grave situation in Tibet be unveiled and the self-immolations abated.
The Kashag has announced 2013 as a year of Solidarity With Tibet Campaign. Each of our numerous events are organized peacefully, legally and with dignity. Thousands of Tibetans and Indian friends gathered in New Delhi on January 30 for a 4-day mass campaign organized by the Central Tibetan Administration. Many prominent Indian leaders representing various parties attended and pledged action for Tibet. Tibetans and friends in Europe today are holding The European Solidarity Rally for Tibet in Brussels. This month Tibetans in North America, Europe and elsewhere are organizing Tibet Lobby Days. The core message we request everyone to communicate are the three Ds: Devolution, Democracy and Dialogue.
The character of our people is being shaped by our endurance of the darkest period in Tibet’s history.  Under the enlightened leadership of His Holiness the great Fourteenth
Dalai Lama, we continue to meet adversity with exceptional unity, resilience, and dignity. I fervently pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
The Kashag is uplifted and deeply gratified by the support and solidarity it has received from Tibetans inside and outside Tibet. With unity, self-reliance and innovation as the guiding principles, we are determined to fulfill the aspirations of all Tibetans to enjoy the freedom and dignity, which we deserve and is our right.
Let me conclude by again paying homage to our brothers and sisters in Tibet.
March
10, 2013
Dharamsala

Australia Presses China for Tibet Visit
Phil Mercer      February 19, 2013
SYDNEY — Analysts say China’s hardline stance on denying most diplomatic visits to Tibetan areas of the country will continue.  Australian Foreign Minister Bob Carr has said that Canberra’s ambassador in Beijing, Frances Adamson, has been trying unsuccessfully for a year to visit the autonomous region to investigate why Tibetan activists continue to set themselves on fire, in protests against the Chinese authorities.
Kerry Brown, the executive director of the China Studies Center at the University of Sydney, says the authorities in Beijing are not keen to allow outside scrutiny of the disputed region.
“Normally a diplomatic visit by an Australian would not be a problem.  I mean, these have happened and I suppose this shows just how sensitive this issue is, you know, how nervous the leadership is,” Brown noted.  “It really, kind of, is a kind of indicator of just how difficult an area of, you know, activity and policy this is at the moment.”
No country openly disputes Beijing’s claim to sovereignty over Tibet. But the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, says Tibet was once independent and has been colonized by China.  He now advocates for greater Tibetan autonomy, but not independence. Beijing accuses the Dalai Lama of overseeing a secessionist campaign and of organizing the immolations.
Brown says, with a new leadership team in place in Beijing, it is highly unlikely China’s stance on Tibet will soften.
“Tibet arouses for the Chinese government a particular set of issues about their legitimacy, about claims about their lack of human rights granted to ethnic Tibetans.  The bottom line, I think, is it is an issue about which they do not want particular dialogue with outside parties.  They are increasingly not in the mood to listen to, you know, any kinds of external lectures,”   Brown said.
Canberra is pushing Beijing for more regular meetings between officials and ministers, similar to those Australia already has in place with countries like the United States, but China has yet to respond to the proposal.
Australian Foreign Minister Bob Carr says the new arrangements could include an annual summit between the Australian prime minister and Chinese president, as well as separate meetings between foreign and economic ministers.
China is Australia’s biggest trading partner.  The export of minerals, including iron ore, is at the heart of a relationship that has helped the government in Canberra maintain economic growth despite the global financial crisis.
http://www.voanews.com/content/australia-presses-china-for-tibet-visit/1606348.html
 

How Many Self-Immolating Tibetans Does It Take to Make a Difference?

How Many Self-Immolating Tibetans Does It Take to Make a Difference?

By Ishaan Tharoor
Feb. 13, 2013
On Wednesday morning in Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, a Tibetan monk drenched in gasoline appeared in front of a Buddhist stupa popular among Tibetans and set himself aflame. At the time of writing, the young man, thought to be in his early 20s, is in critical condition. According to some reports, his fiery protest marks a grim milestone: it’s the 100th such self-immolation by a Tibetan to happen since 2009 (others suggest it’s the 99th or the 101st).
Whatever the ghastly metric, the act has become the signature tactic in recent years of Tibetans voicing their frustrations with Chinese rule. It carries a haunting moral cry no suicide bomber can match. When one downtrodden Tunisian set himself alight in December 2010, the spark of his despair and anger kindled uprisings that swept across the Arab world. Yet, 100 Tibetan self-immolations — and many deaths — later, little has changed.
Part of the problem is where these protests occur. The overwhelming majority takes place within the borders of China, either in Tibet proper or in Tibetan areas of neighboring Sichuan, Gansu and Qinghai provinces. Media access is heavily controlled and much of what we know comes from advocacy groups based outside. A white paper titled “Why Tibet Is Burning,” released last month by an institute affiliated with the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India, identifies by name 98 Tibetans who carried out self-immolations in China since February 2009. Many of those choosing to set themselves on fire are young teenagers and 20-somethings. They are farmers and aspiring clerics, nomads and students. In a foreword to the study, Lobsang Sangay, the democratically elected Prime Minister of Tibet’s exiles, urges Tibetans to “not to resort to drastic actions, including self-immolations, because life is precious.” But the study goes on to point the finger at Beijing:
“The reason [for all the self-immolations] lies in China’s massive policy failure in Tibet over the course of more than 60 years of its rule. The revolution that is brewing in Tibet is driven by political repression, cultural assimilation, social discrimination, economic marginalization and environmental destruction.”
China, of course, doesn’t see it this way. The likelihood of a Tibetan revolution — or even the rioting of not so long ago — is dwarfed by the specter of a Beijing crackdown. Authorities have already started detaining and jailing Tibetans they claim are “inciting” self-immolations; one such swoop earlier this month in the rugged province of Qinghai netted 70 suspects. Quoted by Chinese state media, a local official echoed China’s longstanding critique of any Tibetan dissent: “The Dalai Lama clique masterminded and incited the self-immolations. Personal information, such as photos of the victims, were sent overseas to promote the self-immolations.”
The Dalai Lama, the increasingly withdrawn spiritual leader of Tibetans-in-exile, has long promoted a “middle way” of dialogue and nonviolent resistance, and has also urged against Tibetans carrying out self-immolations. According to a BBC report last year, the steady toll of self-immolations was being interpreted by some angry Tibetans overseas as a sign that the Dalai Lama’s timid, largely failed policies of engagement ought to be given up. “Violence could now be the only option,” said one influential Tibetan activist to the BBC.
That’s a scenario that could spell even more trouble for Tibetan aspirations — resistance to Beijing has been met ruthlessly with arrests and media blackouts. No foreign government would risk their relationship with China over tacit support for an aspirational and unlikely Tibetan nation. The governments of India and Nepal, which play awkward hosts to generations of Tibetan exiles and dissidents, routinely crack the whip on Tibetan activists, breaking up protests and monitoring exile activity. Geopolitical conflagrations elsewhere — from the Senkaku Islands contested by Tokyo and Beijing to the South China Sea to NATO’s imbroglio in Afghanistan — have cornered the international community’s attention.
What’s left then is a lonely struggle. China touts the wealth and development it’s bringing to the Himalayan plateau, but Tibetans abroad see the hollowing out of their homeland, which faces a steady influx of Han Chinese settlers. Here’s the white paper from Dharamsala once more:
“[Tibetans] look on with alarm and fear as Chinese settlers stream into Tibet, taking away Tibetan jobs, land and their very future — and in the process, transforming Tibetan towns and cities into so many Chinatowns … At the same time the Tibetan people see massive development activities undertaken on their land that bring little or no benefit to them and aimed, instead, to cart away Tibetan natural resources to a resource-hungry China. In fact the policies of the Chinese Communist Party demonstrate to the Tibetan people that China wants Tibet but not the Tibetan people.”

For Immediate Release
Historic show of support for Tibet from India’s ruling and opposition parties
Tibetan People’s Solidarity Campaign launched at Talkatora Indoor Stadium, New Delhi
January 30, 2013, Delhi: *Various representatives from Indian political parties gathered at the Talkatora indoor stadium where the inaugural ceremony of ‘Tibetan People’s Solidarity Campaign’ was held. Over 5000 people, including 4500 Tibetans from India, Nepal and Bhutan and about 1000 Indian supporters from Delhi, NCR region and Ladakh were present at the function.
Shri L. K Advani, former Deputy Prime Minister graced the ceremony as the Chief Guest.
Shri, Priya Dutt, MP and Dr. E.M Sudarsan Natchiappan, MP were official Congress party delegates.  Shri Hassan Khan, MP represented National Conference.
In his opening remarks, Mr. Penpa Tsering, the Speaker of Tibetan Parliament in Exile said that this mass campaign is ‘first of its kind’ and that it marks ‘a historic moment for our struggle.’
He further remarked that ‘If China is sincere in granting autonomy, then Tibet can play a positive role as a bridge of peace between the two most populous nations in South Asia-India and China.’ While expressing gratitude to the Indian Government and people, the speaker requested the delegates from the ruling Congress party to ‘remind China that resolving Tibetan
issue is in the larger interest of Chinese people.’
The Sikyong (democratically elected political leader of Tibetan people) in his keynote address mentioned that the holding of this campaign in India’s capital city stands as a ‘testament to India’s love and sympathy for Tibetans.’
Sikyong reiterated that ‘freedom for Tibetans and return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet’ remains the ‘true aspiration of Tibetans inside Tibet and dream of Tibetans outside Tibet.’ In his reasoning as to why Tibet deserves attention and support, Sikyong stated that ‘Tibet stands as a catalyst and test for China’ and that ‘autonomy in Tibet will be the beginning of moderation for China.’ Sikyong attributed the success of the Tibetan struggle to India, and expressed hope that Tibet could be made ‘India’s success story.’ He concluded with a vision that ‘Tibetans will one day go from the holy land of India to the holy city of Lhasa with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.’
Shri L.K Advani shared few excerpts from Sardar Patel’s November 7, 1950 letter on Tibet addressed to the then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Advani ji admitted with conviction that ‘a resolution between China and Tibet, will make the 21st Century- India’s Century.’ He lauded the ‘Tibetan spirit’ and assured that ‘Tibetans will see the light of the day.’  Advani ji concluded by saying that ‘just as His Holiness the Dalai Lama always refers to India as Tibet’s *guru,* we hope to match up to that expectations.’
Ms Priya Dutt, expressed ‘concern and solidarity for Tibetans inside Tibet and paid homage to 99 young lives sacrificed in a struggle to regain identity.’ She thanked the Tibetan people for the presence and blessings of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in India.
Dr. Hassan Khan encouraged Tibetan people to persevere and said that ‘the day will come soon for Tibetans to return to their homeland.’
Dr. E.M Sudarsan Natchiappan assured India’s love and support for the Tibetan struggle and said that ‘Tibetans are not just India’s neighbors but also it’s brothers and sisters.’
Ms. Dolma Gyari, Minister for Home, Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) was the master of the ceremony and Mr. Tempa Tsering, Representative, Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama proposed the vote of thanks.
Press Contacts:*
Ms. Youdon Aukatsang, TPIE member, 0-9999915061*
Ms. Dhardon Sharling, TPIE member, 0-* 9810847905
Mr. Tashi Phuntsok, Additional Secretary, DIIR: 0-9816539103*
Mr. Tenzin Lekshay, Media officer, Delhi Bureau office, 0-9811422930*