“How I Met His Holiness the Dalai Lama Without a Passport”
By Woeser
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 2011
http://www.highpeakspureearth.com/2011/01/how-i-met-his-holiness-dalai-lama.html
High Peaks Pure Earth has translated a blogpost by Woeser that was originally written for broadcast on Radio Free Asia on January 5, 2011 and posted on her blog on January 10, 2011.
As reported on the Dalai Lama’s official website, the Dalai Lama participated in a video conference with Chinese human rights lawyers Jiang Tianyong and Teng Biao on January 4, 2011. Organised by Woeser’s husband Wang Lixiong, this video conference followed on from a series of Twitter conversations between the Dalai Lama and Chinese netizens that Wang Lixiong organised in 2010.
High Peaks Pure Earth has used the translation by Ragged Banner of Woeser’s poem “On the Road” that appeared in the volume “Tibet’s True Heart” and that she quotes in her article below, it is a poem that she wrote in Lhasa in May 1995. Follow this link to read the whole poem: http://raggedbanner.com/pOTR.html
It all started with a video conversation in cyberspace. On January 4, 2011, His Holiness was in Dharamsala engaging in a video conversation with the two human rights lawyers, Teng Biao and Jiang Tianyong, as well as the author Wang Lixiong. And I, I was standing behind Wang Lixiong, attentively listening to every word. When the Dalai Lama appeared on screen, I could hardly believe it, tears started streaming down my face.
“How I Met His Holiness the Dalai Lama Without a Passport”By Woeser??
Seven years ago, in my essay collection “Notes on Tibet”, I wrote this about a group photo showing a father with his son quietly making their way from Lhasa to Dharamsala: “he who conveys an air of humility and modesty on both sides but embraces the centre, is the most illustrious of all devout Tibetan people, the most affectionate, eager person – the Dalai Lama.” Because of this sentence and because of a few articles that touch on the truth, the local authorities labelled my work as “containing severe political errors”, “praising the 14th Dalai Lama and 17th Karmapa, and promoting serious political and religious opinions are wrong. Some essays already to some extent contain political errors.” After this, I was removed from my public position, this is when I left Lhasa.
Even earlier than that, already 16 years ago, I composed a poem implicitly conveying: “On the road, I clutch a flower not of this world, Hurrying before it dies, searching in all directions, That I may present it to an old man in a deep red robe. A wish fulfilling jewel, A wisp of a smile: These bind the generations tight.” Later on, I turned this poem into lyrics, openly saying that “old man in a deep red robe”, “is our Yeshe Norbu, our Kundun, our Gongsachog, our Gyalwa Rinpoche …” all of which are Tibetan terms of respect for the Dalai Lama.
Just like so many Tibetans, hoping to be able to see His Holiness, to respectfully listen to his teachings, to be granted an audience, this has also been my innermost wish; from a very young age, I have always longed for this moment to come true. But, I cannot get a passport, just like many other Tibetans, it is almost unthinkable that this regime that controls us will ever grant us a passport, which should, in actual fact, be a fundamental right that every citizen enjoys. Last year, Lhasa gave out passports to anyone above 60 years of age, albeit only for the period of one week. As a result the office in charge of passports was full of the grey-haired, limping elderly; and it was clear that they were all heading for the foothills of the Himalayas to visit relatives, pay homage to the holy land of Buddhism, as well as to fulfil that dream that no one speaks of but everyone knows. I am sorrowfully thinking that I may have to wait until I am 60 years old until I get hold of a passport.
However, the internet gave my passport-less self a pass to travel; in the New Year, it helped me to make my dream come true – through the internet I met, as if in a dream but still very vivid and real, His Holiness the Dalai Lama!
It all started with a video conversation in cyberspace. On January 4, 2011, His Holiness was in Dharamsala engaging in a video conversation with the two human rights lawyers, Teng Biao and Jiang Tianyong as well as the writer Wang Lixiong. And I, I was standing behind Wang Lixiong, attentively listening to every word that was spoken. When the Dalai Lama appeared on screen, I could hardly believe it, tears started streaming down my face. This miracle facilitated by the technological revolution, making it possible to overcome geographical distances and man-made barriers and building a bridge that enables the Dalai Lama to speak with Chinese intellectuals, is unquestionably of tremendous magnitude. I heard His Holiness saying to the three Han Chinese intellectuals: “it’s just as if we were together, we only can’t smell each other’s breath”. At the end of the 70-minute long conversation, His Holiness asked in a concerned voice: “Can you see me clearly?” When all three of them said that they could, he light-heartedly pointed at his eyebrows and laughed: “so, did you also see my grey eyebrows?”
I cried and I cried. When I, as Tibetans do, prostrated three times, silently reciting some prayers, holding a khata in my hands and kneeling in front of the computer with tear-dimmed eyes, I saw His Holiness reaching out both of his hands as if he was going to take the Khata, as if he was going to give me his blessings. I am unable to describe with words how I felt…I am really such a fortunate person; in Tibet, many people get into trouble simply for owning a photo of the Dalai Lama.
In fact, today, many people from all over China have met with His Holiness and they have not at all lost their freedom, since we are all citizens of this country, Tibetans should also not be punished for having an audience with His Holiness.
Facing the image of me on the screen, the Dalai Lama instructed me in an earnest and tireless way: “Do not give up, keep going, it is of the utmost importance that Han Chinese intellectuals and we Tibetans always tell each other about the real situation, that we communicate with and understand each other; you have to internalise this. Over the past 60 years, the courage and faith of those of us Tibetans living in Tibet has been as strong as a rock. The international community is paying close attention to the real situation in Tibet, people from all over the world see that there is a truth in Tibet, Chinese intellectuals are increasingly aware of this, looking at it from a broad perspective, big and powerful China is in the process of transforming. Hence, you must remain confident and work even harder, do you understand?”
By then, I had already calmed down and kept the words spoken by His Holiness in my heart.
Beijing, January 5, 2011

Mining and the new colonization of Tibet
Vancouver-based mining companies implicit in government repression of villagers
by STEPHANIE LAW, DOMINION STORIES
http://vancouver.mediacoop.ca/story/mining-and-new-colonization-tibet/5523
In the next five to 10 years, there might be a change in what comes to mind when thinking about Tibet.
The 2008 Olympics in Beijing saw an international outcry against the Chinese government’s oppressive policies and practices in Tibet. Mass riots within Tibet and rallies across the globe informed the general public of human rights violations in the disputed area, Tibetans’ loss of culture and identity, and their desire for independence from China.
But the 2010 WikiLeaks have exposed something different.
A leaked U.S. Embassy cable showed that the Dalai Lama is urging the international community to focus on environmental issues in Tibet instead of political ones, for at least the next half-decade. He specifically referred to increasingly polluted water from mining projects in Tibet as a major problem that “cannot wait.”
Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan poet/blogger and recipient of the International Women’s Media Foundation’s Courage in Journalism award this year, said the number of mines in Tibet has increased dramatically since 2006.
“For the past few years, Tibetan villagers have been protesting against the mines and writing letters to the Chinese government asking for their concerns to be addressed,” Woeser said. “But the government never cared.”
In 2006, only one-percent of discovered mines in Tibet were prospected due to limited infrastructure and investment. But mining operations boomed after the opening of the Qinghai-Tibet railway, which connects all 72 counties in Tibet to the rest of China. There are now over 90 mining sites, with at least one in each county.
The impact of mining operations
The Chinese government announced plans in March to develop Tibet by exploiting over 3,000 mineral reserves, potentially worth more than USD 125 billion.
Dorje, director of the region’s Bureau of Geology and Mineral Exploration and Development, told state-run China Daily that exploitation of the mineral resources would boost Tibet’s development.
“We must make sure the exploitation serves the interests of the Tibetan people, and minimize its impact on the environment,” Dorje said.
The plan aims to boost the mining industry’s contribution to Tibet’s GDP from three to 30 percent by 2020. At the same time, the state government will continue to pour investment into the region to further develop it and provide over 1,400 new jobs for locals via mining operations.
But Woeser said compared to the few thousand Tibetan miners, migrant Han workers have flocked to Tibet on the railroad and have taken up over 10,000 mining jobs.
“This has caused a lot of resentment among locals, widespread discrimination against Tibetans, and a loss of cultural identity among locals,” she said.
Pempa Dondrup, a villager in Nanggarze County of Shannan Prefecture, told China Daily that the government must respect local customs and religious beliefs. “For example, they must not excavate into our holy mountains.”
But likely to the Dondrup’s dismay, there are at least six mining operations in the great Tibetan emperor Songtsan Gampo’s hometown, Gyama. It now has the highest daily output among all mining pits in the Qinghai-Tibet plateau.
In Han Chinese culture, the hometown of any emperor is sacred and carries the ‘dragon’s pulse’ (lóng mài). It brings fortune and happiness to the nation, and warrants ritual sacrifices.
“According to this, Gyama should be protected from environmental destruction by the mining taking place today,” Woeser said. “But it’s not. And protests so far have been silenced by Chinese troops.”
Woeser added that local Tibetans have lost much more than they have gained from the wealth the government claims mining would bring. They have also received little to no financial compensation.
“There has been damage to both the environment and the lifestyles of Tibetan villagers, farmers and nomads,” Woeser said. “Now there are diseases that are new and untreatable for the villagers. The livestock, like lamb and cows, are also getting diseases and dying at alarming rates.”
Almost 20 years of mining in the Gyama valley has led to elevated concentrations of various minerals – including copper, lead, iron and aluminium – in the surface water and streambed, according to a study published in the September issue of Science of the Total Environment.
The Gyama stream water drains into the Lhasa River, which flows into the great Yarlong Tsangpo. Over a third of the world population lives downstream of the rivers flowing from the Plateau.
“Uptake of heavy metal into local agricultural products from
contaminated irrigation water may therefore pose a health risk to the
local population,” the authors of the study wrote.
Over 3,500 local inhabitants live in this valley just east of Lhasa city. There are also nomads who frequent the semi-agricultural area, which is used for growing crops and animal husbandry. But nearly 182,000 residents live in Lhasa city just downstream from the valley. The main drinking water source for the city is from wells located in the banks of the Lhasa River.
The authors of the study warned that large-scale mining activities in the valley “pose a great future risk for the regional and downstream environment.”
Tibetans have limited opposition power
Contaminated water, loss of lands and the heavy influx of Han migrants into Tibet caused by the mining industry boom have led to numerous conflicts and riots in the region in past 20 years.
Huatailong, China’s largest mining project in Gyama, used the villagers’ water during a drought in June 2010. This led to riots in the village to which a great number of military police, including special police forces, were allegedly sent from Lhasa, according to witness reports. The police arrested many villagers and three of them, including the village head, are still in jail.
Woeser said military forces and police always quickly crush any local dissent against mines.
“The problem is most mines are state-owned and backed by the government,” Woeser said. “So when the conflict erupted, it got politicized. The government decided the villagers weren’t protesting against the mine but were rioting for Tibetan independence.”
More recently, about 100 protesters carried Chinese flags outside government offices in a protest between Aug. 15 and 17 against the expansion of a gold mine in the Kham region of Tibet, administratively in China’s Sichuan province. They were upset about the heavy equipment being brought in and damaging their farmlands, according to U.S.-funded Radio Free Asia.
“The farmers were scared, so they carried Chinese flags to show that they weren’t protesting for political reasons or independence,” Woeser said. “They just wanted to point out that the mines were impacting their life.”
But despite taking extra precaution, the government still sent troops to quell their protest. According to various reports, at least three protesters were fatally shot, over 30 injured and more than 35 were arrested. Two police officers were also injured.
Almost two weeks after the incident, conflicting news reports appeared in China Daily, Xinhua News Agency and Reuters. They reported only one death from the incident and cited a different reason for the protests.
“The protest was sparked after police detained a businessman from the Sichuan city of Mianyang “for illegally exploiting gold mines with some villagers in Jiaxu village and damaging the grassland in the county,” according to Reuters.
Exerting pressure outside of Tibet
It is evident that local Tibetans are left powerless against large-scale mining operations. If they protest, they face disproportionate force from the military and police as well as imprisonment. Many face jail terms of seven to eight years, partly due to the politicization of their dissent.
Woeser said the conflict in August was one of very few protests covered in state and international media, albeit inconsistently.
“I think this really needs outside help and requires outsiders to understand the mining situation in Tibet,” she said. “Only through the outside, like international environmental agencies and human right organizations, and through international investigations might there be a positive impact on Tibetans’ lives that are affected by mining.”
In the recent years, there has been a growing presence of foreign-owned mining companies in Tibet.
“These operations have also faced local protests, but not to the same extent as Chinese-owned mines,” Woeser said. “This is in part due to minor improvement in environmental impact, but largely due to higher financial compensation offered by foreign firms to silence dissent.”
In addition to protests in Tibet, some companies have faced opposition from activists in their own countries. Pressure from the Australia Tibet Council and the Central Tibetan Administration, also known as the Tibetan government-in-exile, allegedly caused Australia-based Sino Gold to pull out of an exploratory gold mine in eastern Tibet in 2003.
Sino Gold was later acquired by Canadian-based Eldorado Gold in December 2009. Eldorado Gold is now the largest foreign gold producer in China and owns a mine in Tanjianshan, which is located in northern Tibet.
There are six Canadian-based mining companies currently or soon to be operating in Tibet: China Gold International Resources Corp Ltd, Inter-Citic Minerals Inc, Silk Road Resources Ltd., Eldorado Gold Corp, Maxy Gold Corp, Silvercorp Metals Inc., and Sterling Group Ventures Inc.
Vancouver-based China Gold International announced on Dec. 1 it completed the acquisition of Skyland Mining Ltd., formerly owned by Rapid Result Investments Ltd. and China National Gold Group Honk Kong Ltd., a subsidiary of China National Gold Group Corp. It is now the sole owner of the Jiama Mine, one of the largest copper poly-metallic mines in China, according to its website.
The acquisition of the Jiama mine in Gyama completed in spite of protests staged in Toronto,Vancouver and Hong Kong.
Frank Lagiglia, investor relations spokesperson for China Gold International, said he does not share the concerns of the protesters. He said the company’s technical report shows the mine has full support of the local people, and that it is on track to becoming the most environmentally friendly mine in the world.
“They talk about contamination of water; we use a recycling water program so there is no contamination,” Lagiglia said. “I don’t know the issues that they’re talking about, when we were there, we went with Tibetan officials and we were talking to the Tibetan people there, and really everyone is glad to be working.”
But Raymond Yee, a Vancouver activist and member of the Canada Tibet Committee, said their worries go beyond environmental damages endured by local villagers.
“Our main concern is that the Chinese don’t seem at all concerned with the needs and the wants of the Tibetans,” Yee said. “And the Canadian firms will refuse, even though we know they know better, to get their heads wrapped around the whole concept of free, prior, informed consent
of the local Tibet people about what’s happening.”
Although China Gold International is based in Vancouver, the Chinese-owned China National Gold Group owns a 39 percent stake, according to a Bloomberg news report.
“We’re against this kind of activity that exploits people that are occupied,” Yee said. “It’s occupied land in an environment where there’s a real climate of fear because most people are pretty privy to how the Chinese government cracks down on dissent.”
Tibet enjoyed de facto independence between 1912 and 1951, before China annexed the region. Annexation became official when the Chinese government and delegates from the Tibetan administration signed the 17-point agreement.
But the agreement has been widely disputed and the annexation is widely viewed as an occupation. A report published by The International Commission of Jurists in 1959 supported claims that the agreement was signed under military pressure and significant duress.
Large mining companies such as Rio Tinto have reportedly ruled out mining in Tibet because it is too politically sensitive.
“We’d be more open to it if they, for example, had consultations with the Tibetan government-in-exile to talk about mining and to see what it would have to say,” Yee said. “We’re just against mining under these kinds of conditions.”
Looking to the future
The future of Canadian-based mining companies operating in Tibet might have been different if Bill C-300, known as the Corporate Accountability Act or Responsible Mining Bill, had passed the House of Commons vote on October 27. But the bill was defeated 140 to 134.
If passed, the Bill would have enforced financial and political sanctions against mining companies operating in foreign countries without free, prior and informed consultation from local indigenous peoples.
Catherine Coumans, a research coordinator at MiningWatch Canada, said that under the bill there could have been a strong case made against mining companies, like China Gold International, even if they claim to have support from local Tibetans.
“The free part is the part that we would be really addressing,” Coumans said. “How free were the people they talked to? Given the political realities in Tibet, it would be very difficult [to have free consultation].”
Since the bill was defeated, there is no legal or formal mechanism for complaints against foreign practices by mining companies. However, Coumans said the Canadian Network for Corporate Accountability, of which MiningWatch is a member, is currently discussing other options.
One alternative is private member’s Bill C-354, which was tabled by NDP MP Peter Julian and passed first reading on March 3. The bill had remained dormant after its first reading, but resurfaced on Oct. 21 when Julian submitted a petition in support of the bill to the house.
The Bill seeks to amend the Federal Courts Act to permit non-Canadians to initiate lawsuits against Canadian companies based on violations – in foreign countries – of international law or treaties to which Canada has ratified.
“The bill would ensure corporate accountability for Canadian firms operating abroad,” Julian told the house on April 1, 2009.
But regardless of what happens in the future, Coumans argues that the mining industry as a whole generally accepts International Finance Corporation’s performance standards as de facto international standards. These standards include having free, prior and informed consultation with local peoples.
“Based on these standards, one can definitely make the argument that a company cannot call itself a responsible mining company and mine in Tibet,” Coumans said, “because it cannot possibly poll the community in a free way.”
Given the recent acquisition of the copper mine in Gyama by China Gold International, as well as the leaked U.S. embassy cable regarding the Dalai Lama’s concerns with widespread environmental destruction caused by mining project, there is hope of increased international and Canadian pressure against mining in Chinese-occupied Tibetan land.
But if the discussion around Tibet sees no change in the next five to 10 years, then the imagery one usually conjures when thinking of Tibet will change. What is often known as Shangri-La and rooftop of the world will be extensively mined away, and a culture with thousands of years of history will fade away along with the land.
“Tibet is the earth’s highest ecosystem and is extremely vulnerable: its rivers flow and are connected to many other areas and countries,” Woeser said. “But the mining companies are operating for their own profits and are blatantly neglecting any environmental concerns. Over time, the local area won’t be the only region affected; but a vast area of the world will be too.”

Finding the Facts About Mao’s Victims
Ian Johnson
http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2010/dec/20/finding-facts-about-maos-victims/
Photo: Yang Jisheng, November 2010
Yang Jisheng is an editor of Annals of the Yellow Emperor, one of the few reform-oriented political magazines in China. Before that, the 70-year-old native of Hubei province was a national correspondent with the government-run Xinhua news service for over thirty years. But he is best known now as the author of Tombstone (Mubei), a groundbreaking new book on the Great Famine (1958–1961), which, though imprecisely known in the West, ranks as one of worst human disasters in history. I spoke with Yang in Beijing in late November about his book, the political atmosphere in Beijing, and the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo.
Tombstone, which Yang began working on when he retired from Xinhua in 1996, is the most authoritative account of the Great Famine. It was caused by the Great Leap Forward, a millennial political campaign aimed at catapulting China into the ranks of developed nations by abandoning everything (including economic laws and common sense) in favor of steel production. Farm work largely stopped, iron tools were smelted in “backyard furnaces” to make steel—most of which was too crude to be of any use—and the Party confiscated for city dwellers what little grain was sown and harvested. The result was one of the largest famines in history. From the government documents he consulted, Yang concluded that 36 million people died and 40 million children were not born as a result of the famine. Yang’s father was among the victims and Yang says this book is meant to be his tombstone.
Over the past few years, foreign researchers and journalists have used demographic and anecdotal evidence to arrive at similar estimates. But Yang has gone further, using his contacts around the country to penetrate closely guarded Communist Party archives and uncover more direct proof of the number of dead, the cases of cannibalism, and the continued systematic efforts of the state to cover up this colossal tragedy. This makes Tombstone one of the most important books to come out of China in recent years and led the government to ban it.
Ian Johnson: I wondered when reading Tombstone why officials didn’t destroy the files. Why did they preserve all this evidence?
Yang Jisheng: Destroying files isn’t up to one person. As long as a file or document has made it into the archives you can’t so easily destroy it. Before it is in the archives, it can be destroyed, but afterwards, only a directive from a high-ranking official can cause it to be destroyed. I found that on the Great Famine the documentation is basically is intact—how many people died of hunger, cannibalism, the grain situation; all of this was recorded and still exists.
How many files did you end up amassing?
I consulted twelve provincial archives and the central archives. On average I copied 300 folders per archive, so I have over 3,600 folders of information. They fill up my apartment and some are in the countryside at a friend’s house for safekeeping.
As a Xinhua reporter did you have more latitude to explore the archives?
When I started I didn’t say I was writing about the Great Famine. I said I wanted to understand the history of China’s rural economic policies and grain policy. If I had said I was researching the Great Famine, for sure they wouldn’t have let me look in the archives. There were some documents that were marked “restricted” (“kongzhi” in Chinese)—for example, anything related to public security or the military. But then I asked friends for help and we got signatures of provincial party officials and it was okay.
Were people sympathetic to your task?
Yes, there was an elderly staff member in one archive, for example. My guess is that he also lost family members in the Great Famine; when I asked for relevant archives, he just closed one eye and let me look. I reckon he held the same view as I: that there should be an accounting of this matter. Like me, he’s a Chinese person, and people in his family also starved to death.
Why are you the first Chinese historian to tackle this subject seriously?
Traditional historians face restrictions. First of all, they censor themselves. Their thoughts limit them. They don’t even dare to write the facts, don’t dare to speak up about it, don’t dare to touch it. And even if they wrote it, they can’t publish it. And if they publish, they will face censure. So mainstream scholars face those restrictions.
But there are many unofficial historians like me. Many people are writing their own memoirs about being labeled “Rightists” or “counter-revolutionaries.” There is an author in Anhui province who has described how his family starved to death. There are many authors who have written about how their families starved.
The government admits the fact that some people starved to death. Is mentioning starvation really a sensitive topic half a century later?
The government says the famine was caused by “three difficult years” (natural disasters), the Sino-Soviet split (of 1960), and by political errors. In my account I acknowledge that there were natural disasters but there always have been. China is so big that there is some kind of natural disaster every year. I went to the meteorological bureau five times, looked at material and talked to experts. I didn’t find that climate conditions in those three years were significantly different from that of other periods. It all seemed normal. This wasn’t a factor.
What about the Sino-Soviet split?
It had no impact. The Soviets’ break with China was in 1960. People had been starving to death for more than a year already. They built a tractor factory and that was finished in 1959. Wouldn’t that have been a help to Chinese agriculture rather than a hindrance?
So what can account for starvation on such a vast scale?
The key reason is political misjudgment. It is not the third reason. It is the only reason. How did such misguided policies go on for four years? In a truly democratic country, they would have been corrected in half a year or a year. Why did no one oppose them or criticize them? I view this as part of the totalitarian system that China had at the time. The chief culprit was Mao.
In your introduction to Tombstone, you said that the Chinese Communist Party destroyed traditional values. Did this facilitate the Great Famine?
Traditional values involve valuing life, valuing others, not doing unto others what you don’t want done to yourself. All of these values were negated. From 1950 onward, the Communists criticized the passing down of traditional values. There was a moral vacuum.
When do you think we might see Cultural Revolution-era archives opened up?
It is still early to talk about that. Overseas, many good books have been written about the Cultural Revolution. I have bought many and brought them back. Within China, there’s not a single good book on the topic.
That seems like something you should pursue.
In fact, I am planning a book on the Cultural Revolution. I am collecting material but don’t yet know exactly how I will write it. I am still trying to figure that out.
You also work for Annals of the Yellow Emperor. People say it has been under pressure.
There is some pressure of late. There were the events surrounding Wen Jiabao’s recent speeches and the Liu Xiaobo prize. There has been a backlash. They did not allow Wen’s interview with CNN to be published in the domestic media. [In the interview, which was published on September 29, Wen stated that “for any government, what is most important, is to ensure that its people enjoy each and every right given to them by the constitution,” which many reform-minded Chinese took as a signal that the country would try to live up to its constitutional protections on free speech and democracy.] We ran the full text in our magazine—we didn’t miss one word—and were censured. But that issue of our magazine was not banned; it continued to be distributed.
Why do you think your magazine seems to enjoy more leeway than other Chinese publications?
Because we know the boundaries. We don’t touch current leaders. And issues that are extremely sensitive, like 6-4 [the June 4th Tiananmen Square massacre], we don’t talk about. The Tibet issue, Xinjiang, we don’t write about them. Current issues related to Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin and their family members’ corruption, we don’t talk about. If we talk just about the past, the pressure is smaller.
Do you feel this year’s political climate is tighter?
Usually when the Communist Party feels a sense of crisis, it will spark a backlash. Liu Xiaobo winning the Nobel Prize is a slap in the face for the Chinese government. On the date of the announcement of the prize, October the 8th, Voice of America called me for an interview. I said it was a good thing for the long-term prospects of democracy in China. It’s a good thing, I said, but also don’t over-estimate the impact; China doesn’t yield to external pressure, and there will be a backlash. And now what we are seeing is the backlash.
From a long-term perspective, it might have some inspiring effect on the progress of democracy in China. But within China, Liu is not well-known. He won’t have the same effect as Gorbachev or Havel did, for instance. And the backlash is strong. Many Chinese intellectuals can’t leave the country now, and their family members too. They’re being very strict.
December 20, 2010

The Chinese Dragon Vs The Indian Tiger
David Eshel
Defence Update, December 20, 2011
http://www.defense-update.com/analysis/2010/20122010_analysis_dragon_vs_tiger.html
Beijing’s aggressive “String of Pearls” strategy is not confronting the U.S. alone but is already severely jittering India’s complacency. And here precisely lays the root of the next conflict flashpoint in South East Asia. The soaring “Indian Tiger” facing the rising “Chinese Dragon” will eventually grow into two regional giants, both competing with rapidly dwindling strategic assets, vital for their survival, transforming the geopolitical landscape in the Asia-Pacific region – and challenging American hegemony as a global superpower.
China’s resurgence in recent years has jolted the leading powers of the world out of their stupor ‘ and India’s case is no different. Today, forward-looking Indian mandarins are no longer obsessed only with
Pakistan. New Delhi has started developing strategic plans for dealing with China by 2020 or 2030. Many Indian think tanks are already working on this mission objective.
What transpired last August was an eye opener for China-watchers in the Indian government. On 5 August 2010, The People’s Daily reported that two days previously ‘important combat readiness materials’ (read missiles) of the Chinese Air Force were transported safely to Tibet via the Qinghai-Tibet Railway ‘ the first time since such materials were transported to Tibet by railway. It was a clear demonstration by China, of its capability to mobilize in Tibet, in the event of a new Sino-Indian conflict. China already has four fully operational airports in Tibet, the last one started operations in July 2010.
Meanwhile, the Chinese Navy’s recent seafaring activities and maneuvers have revealed Beijing’s intention to increase its control of the maritime sea lanes in the Pacific and Indian Oceans. The latter is an obvious cause of concern for India. China’s new-found aggressive posturing and maritime territorial claims in the South China Sea ‘ which Beijing has begun to describe as an area of its ‘core interest’, a term that the Chinese have been using for Tibet, Taiwan and Xinjiang ‘ is of no less concern in New Delhi.
China knows very well that it is not dealing with the India of 1962, when the two countries fought a one-sided war. Then India had deliberately not used its air force against the Chinese to minimize loss of territory and restrict Chinese military gains to the far-flung border areas. India is rapidly expanding and modernizing its military air, land, naval and missile forces, investing in establishing a nuclear deterrence, through a ‘Triad’ of land and surface launched missiles as well as submarine launched missiles, expansion of its air bases along the northern border, positioning of early warning radars on mountain along the North-Eastern border with Tibet and more.
Though China retains a decisive lead, New Delhi is determined to stay on Beijing’s heals. In the economic race, India could already outpace China in 2011, to become the fastest growing economies, according to the latest World Bank forecast.
But Beijing has one dominant ace along its sleeve. Being a strict authoritarian regime, it is pushing rapidly forward with aggressive modernization of its industrial and military machine, while India’s administration inherent bureaucracy is much slower in getting things done.
But the highest point of tension in the Asian Subcontinent still remains the decade-lasting animosity and suspicion existing between India and Pakistan. Here remains the most potential trigger for a regional conflict. Historically, China has been Pakistan’s strategic and military ally for nearly five decades. It was Beijing who gave Pakistan the designs for a nuclear bomb in 1984 and then helped them build it. China’s has two purposes behind its strategy assisting Pakistan. First, it takes Pakistan as a secure friend and ally in the Indian Ocean and second, they share a common interest to contain India, which, by its huge economic potential, demographic size and geopolitical position, is challenging Beijing’s ambition for regional hegemony.
Within this strategy, China has stepped up its military presence in Tibet, primarily to contain India. Their aim is to capture as much Indian territory as possible, including the town of Tawang ‘ the birthplace of the Dalai Lama ‘ in case of renewed hostilities. A secondary purpose for this buildup is to help Pakistan in any future military conflict with India. Indeed the Sino-Indian border region remains one hotly disputed area since the 1962 India-China war.
The core of territorial disputes between India and China converge at Kashmir, which also ranks as the worlds’ largest militarized zone of contention. The Chinese army, perched on its geographical vantage position, atop the towering peaks and glaciers of the strategic trans-Karakoram tract and Aksai Chin, dominates the Indian positions below. Moreover, the geopolitical ramifications of China’s forceful annexation of Tibet, which had for centuries, posed a natural barrier for India, gave Bejing a tremendous strategic starting point for any military operation against India. The 2006 opening of the China-Tibet rail-link further strengthened China’s potentially offensive capability.
On the other hand India’s quest to enhance its military potential, with active aid from Washington, could reignite a new Indo-China Himalayan border war – with acute danger from its escalating into a terrifying regional nuclear-weapons conflict.
From a strategic perspective, China is hemming India from all four sides- Tibet, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar (Burma) – all within Beijing’s zone of interest. As the deteriorating geopolitical dynamics between Beijing and New Delhi increase, as both are struggling for global superpower status, the role of the United States in this region faces sharp competition.
Although from military perspective, the US will continue to remain a key player; its influence in the region will wane considerably as the troop withdrawals from Afghanistan conclude. With Chinese naval presence in the Indian Ocean on the rise and its “string of pearl” strategy advancing towards key positions in the Persian Gulf, the strategic importance of India will become crucial for Washington, to prevent a most dangerous development in this part of the world.

Government of Canada to facilitate the immigration of up to 1,000
Tibetan refugees living in Arunachal Pradesh in India
Ottawa, December 18, 2010 — The Government of Canada intends to facilitate the immigration of up to 1,000 Tibetan refugees living in the state of Arunachal Pradesh in India over a five-year period, Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism Minister Jason Kenney announced today.
“Our government’s openness to Tibetan refugees is in keeping with Canada’s best humanitarian traditions,” said Minister Kenney. “We look forward to working with the Government of India and the Tibetan-Canadian community on the implementation of this program, and on welcoming these individuals to Canada.”
Special immigration measures will be developed in response to a request by the Tibetan community and will focus on individuals who meet specific criteria. These measures aim to maximize the involvement of communities in Canada by focusing on individuals who have secured the support of the Canadian-Tibetan community or other interested supporters.
Canada has a long-standing tradition of facilitating immigration for various groups around the world by matching prospective immigrants to community sponsors in Canada through private sponsorships. This is done at no additional cost to Canadians because initial settlement costs, including housing, are guaranteed by sponsors.
This humanitarian initiative will assist Tibetan refugees in Arunachal Pradesh, who live in remote and isolated settlements.
“I would like to recognize India’s long-standing support for the Tibetans in India,” added Minister Kenney. “This is Canada’s opportunity to complement India’s support for this vulnerable population.”
This is not the first time Canada has assisted Tibetans. In 1972, Canada established the Tibetan Refugee Program and resettled approximately 230 Tibetans in Canada who had been living in Northern India. This new initiative, which will bring in up to 1,000 Tibetans, is another example of Canada’s efforts to reach out to the Tibetan community.
Persons entering Canada under these special measures would be required to meet Canada’s requirements for immigration, including security, criminal, medical and background checks.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama clarifies statement on retirement
Wednesday, 15 December 2010
His Holiness the Dalai Lama has clarified his recent statement on taking complete retirement, saying that the call does not mean he will forget about the Tibetan struggle.
DHARAMSHALA: More than 99 per cent of Tibetans in and outside Tibet trust me, so I have the moral responsibility to serve them. My call for complete retirement does not mean that I will forget the Tibetan struggle. I am a Tibetan and every Tibetan has the moral obligation to carry out our own struggle, His Holiness told reporters in Kalimpong yesterday. (watch video)
His Holiness said some Tibetans living inside Tibet express anxiety and confusion over his retirement plans. “I want to hand over the ceremonial role such as signing of legislatures and documents to the democratically elected leadership. But some Tibetans inside Tibetan are anxious and confused that the Dalai Lama is now no longer interested about the Tibetan struggle. No, it is not,” he said.
He reiterated that efforts to resolve the issue of Tibet would remain one of his three commitments.
He spoke about his efforts to bring democratic reforms in Tibet before 1959 and later in exile.
Since my childhood I always admire the system of democracy. In 1952, I started reform committee and some reforms were carried out. Then after 1959 while in exile we had set up own organisation set up as the Central Tibetan Administration. We started the process of democratisation and put in place elected political leadership in 2001.
“I always tell the elected Tibetan leadership to take full responsibility as if there is no Dalai Lama and they are doing it,” he said.
(Based on report filed by Sheja Editor Kelsang Khudup from Kalimpong)

China Rewrites Tibet History: Monks Recently Escaped from Tibet
Monday, 13 December 2010 18:14 YC. Dhardhowa, The Tibet Post International
Dharamshala: – Lobsabg Norbu13december201019 and his fellow two monks had been hiding almost two years in the hills and mountains of Dege county, eastern Tibet after spread documents, banners and flags in 2009 to against Chinese rule over Tibet. The three brave monks safely managed to escape from Tibet recently, currently they have started to enjoy freedom of expression in this Himalayan hill town where His Holiness the Dalai Lama lives in exile.
As the Tibetan and foreign journalists reported out of their peaceful protests in eastern Tibet, Norbu and his friends unfurled banners they had wrapped inside the folds of their crimson robes and held aloft the documents, banners and flags of Tibet in the streets, towns and villages.
Three Tibetan monks from Gonsar monastery, Dza Bharma village of Dege county, eastern Tibet; Kunga Rinchen, 30, Lobsang Norbu, 26 and Khedup Gyatso have decided to hold a peaceful protest to against Chinese rule over their homeland on 10th November 2010. “We have drawen various slogons on many banners saying ‘Free Tibet and we want Human Rights in Tibet, long life His Holiness the Dalai Lama’, also painted many Tibetan national flags after decided to hold the protest,” Norbu told The Tibet Post International.
Norbu further told that Chinese authorities in the areas in last year have officially announced Tibetans that the local government will reward 20,000 Yuan for each head of the monks if anybody report the monks’ detail.
“We have no human rights, no religious freedom, and no freedom of express in Tibet now,” Norbu said. That peaceful protest, in April 2008, was spread a clear message around the world by the Tibetans in all parts of Tibet on the communist regime’s policy toward Tibet issue. Despite the widespread peaceful Tibetan uprising in their homeland, hundreds were killed, and hundreds were jailed under the name of Hu Jintao’s harmony society.
“If we Tibetan monks hadn’t lead the peaceful protests to express our feelings, which are feelings in all Tibetan, then we would have missed a chance to tell the world,” said Norbu, a monk with lay dress newly became a refugee.
“On 10th November 2009, 2 of my friends and I demonstrated for religious freedom and human rights in Tibet. We aimed to be heard by the state. The Chinese government had insisted that it had made improvements in the field of human rights but in actuality we had no rights, historically Tibet was an independent nation, but China rewrite our history. we tried to fight for these rights. For offenses of a small nature we were treated as criminals,” he further said.
Over two years, the three monks slipped out of their monastery, trekked into the mountains, slept in nomads’ tents, sneaked into Lhasa aboard a high-altitude traveling and crossed a raging river to Nepal. It was only here in a refugee center that they could tell their true stories to people of the world.
Chinese officials insist that any of the protests were orchestrated by Tibetan leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Tibetan government in exile. The monks from Dege county, eastern Tibet say harsh Chinese policies sparked the tinder, rewriting Tibet History, violating international law, especially limitations on Buddhist practice in Tibet.
“I and my friends decided on our own to protest,” Norbu said. “The protests were caused by human rights, freedom of religious and expression issues and harshest Chinese policies toward Tibetans to denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s political and spiritual leader. We couldn’t tolerate it
anymore,” he continued.
“We held the protests with the idea of perceiving our Buddhism and culture identity, which is endangered by Chinese policy. We want His Holiness the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet, but the Chinese don’t even allow us to display his picture.” he added.
The monks said that Chinese officials held various meetings to practice the ‘patriotic re-educating law’, which forces local Tibetans, particularly Buddhist monks to denounce their spiritual leaders, including His Holiness the Dalai Lama. During the spring prayer festival last year, many Tibetans were brutally beaten and arrested after burning wild-animal skins, and that many of them are still missing. “Tibetans are still under Chinese pressure of patriotic re-education if they decide to perceive their cultural and religious identity,” Norbu concluded.

The Statement of the Kashag on the Twenty-first Anniversary of the Conferment of the Nobel Peace Prize on His Holiness the Dalai Lama
On this occasion of the twenty-first anniversary of the conferment of the Nobel Peace Prize on His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Kashag, on behalf of the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet, would like to pay our utmost respect and greetings to His Holiness.
His Holiness, who besides being the foremost proponent of the principle of non-violence around the globe by applying the philosophy of dependent origination and non-violence as shown in the teachings of the Buddha, has guided the Tibetan struggle for justice onto to the path of non-violence making it different from other national struggles in the world. His Holiness has also shown, both in principle and in practice, that all global conflicts can be solved through a non-violent approach. These qualities made His Holiness the most suitable recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize.
Thus, when His Holiness accepted the prize in 1989, it increased prestige and the value of the already esteemed Nobel Peace Prize. At the same time, it has also created a widespread awareness about and interest in the just cause of Tibet around the world. Since the award was an inspiration and the trust in the non-violent method and an outstanding recognition of the Tibetan struggle for justice, we commemorate it with highest respect and fondness. On this special occasion, if the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet can reaffirm their genuine pledge for the non-violent path based on trust and understanding, then this occasion will constitute a meaningful celebration.
An important development that we should be happy about and proud of is the conferment of this year’s Nobel Peace Prize to Mr Liu Xiaobo, a prominent Chinese democracy and human rights activist, who is currently in prison in the People’s Republic of China. On behalf of all the Tibetan people, we would like to congratulate Mr Liu Xiaobo, and commend the Nobel Committee for taking this decision without bowing to the Chinese government’s pressure. However, the Kashag is saddened by the Chinese authorities appalling behaviour of not releasing Mr Liu Xiaobo from prison and keeping his wife under house arrest. The Kashag strongly condemns these actions. Since the values and aspirations of all the Nobel laureates are well known around the world, keeping a few individuals in prison cannot lock up their thoughts, principles and aspirations. It is a fact of life that the authoritarian rulers who try to control people’s thought by force and suppression are the most ignorant of human beings.
Although this day is also celebrated as World Human Rights Day, it is a matter of sadness that no one has, thus far, been able to protect human rights enough to be celebrated. Moreover, the first decade of the 21st century is over and yet looking at the fact that a number of Nobel laureates are either in prison, under surveillance or in exile shows the state of human rights today.
These days the advanced nations in the West and the countries in the East who blindly follow the West use many beautiful slogans such as democracy, freedom, equality and human rights, but in actual practice they all appear empty words devoid of any meaning.
At present, a large number of people including Tibetans in Tibet are living with constant fear and torture under the oppressive regime of the People’s Republic of China, denied even their fundamental human rights. Sadly, it has been amply proven that no powerful nations or organizations have either the will or the strength to restore them their rights. In China, being in possession of a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is deemed as a criminal act warranting many years of imprisonment. Yet the United Nations, the author of the declaration, has failed to muster enough pride to even condemn such acts. Under such circumstances, it becomes almost a laughing stock for us to commemorate the World Human Rights Day. However, we celebrate it to keep up with the international norm.
Since 2008 the whole of China and especially the Tibetan areas have been witness to systematic suppression and further restrictions of basic human rights. The right to religious freedom, the right to speech and cultural and educational freedoms have been deliberate targets. The recent proclamation by Chinese government officials in many Tibetan areas ordering a change in the medium of instruction from Tibetan to Mandarin in schools is a large-scale evil plan directed at annihilating the very identity of Tibet. Such policies not only completely ignore the ideologies of Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao on ethnic minorities but are a clear and present attempt at the whole-scale destruction of a people’s language and culture. We unequivocally condemn and criticize such heinous policies. On behalf of Tibetans in exile we offer our solidarity and enthusiastic support to the leaders, students and ordinary people who legally and peacefully request the protection of our language.
Realizing the tremendous strides in exercising modern democracy in the exile Tibetan community under His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s leadership, we fervently hope that Tibetans remain united and work towards the principal cause of Tibet.
Taking this opportunity, Kashag would like to offer the wholehearted prayers of Tibetans in and outside Tibet, beseeching His Holiness to remain as ever the religious and temporal leader of Tibet. From the depth of our hearts we request Your Holiness never to consider or even talk about semi-retirement and full-retirement. At the same time, Kashag implores Tibetans to further advance our collective merit and preserve Tibetan values and ethics, which become the most gratifying offerings to His Holiness.
Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lana and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon.
The Kashag
10 December 2010
NB: This was translated from the original Tibetan. Should any discrepancy arise, the Tibetan version should be considered as the final authority.

Nepal: China: Kathmandu and Beijing tighten grip on Tibetan refugees
Nepal and China agree to better control along the border with Tibet and stronger measures against anti-Chinese protests organized by exiles in Nepal. In return, China will facilitate the entry of Nepalese workers in its territory.
Monday, December 06, 2010
By Asia News
Kathmandu (AsiaNews / Agencies) – Kathmandu and Beijing have signed an agreement to prevent the entry of Tibetan refugees in Nepal, the regular concession of visas into the country and control of the frequent anti-Chinese protests. The document that consists of 13 points was signed yesterday in Chautara near the border with Tibet. In exchange for more control over Tibetan exiles, Beijing will facilitate the entry of Nepalese workers into Tatopani on the border with Tibet.
After the invasion of Lhasa in 1950 and the exile of the Dalai Lama in India (1959), Nepal has hosted thousands of refugees fleeing from Tibet, enabling them to support the government in exile. To date over 20 thousand Tibetan refugees hosted in the country.
With the fall of Nepal’s monarchy in 2006 and the rise to power of the Maoist parties (Unified Communist Party of Nepal) and Marxist-Leninist Party (Unified Marxist-Leninist), the country has begun to tighten economic agreements with Beijing, by prohibiting all anti-Chinese demonstrations by exiles. As early as 2008 on the occasion of the Beijing Olympics, the government had restricted the protest march, by force.
According to the Nepalese media, China had recently asked Nepal to deploy about 10 thousand security personnel along the Sino-Nepalese border. Beijing also offered the government in Kathmandu to train a police force specializing in quelling protests.

Returning to Lhasa to Witness the Current Situation
By Woeser
Tibetan Culture & News Online
Beijing, November 17, 2010
In early October, I left Beijing for Lhasa to visit my family. I stayed there for over a month. While I was there, I obtained first-hand information about the notable and subtle developments and changes that occurred over a series of sensitive days, weeks and months in Lhasa. These transformations could be felt everywhere in the city. For example, the first few days I was in Lhasa, I had the impression that everything was taking a turn for the better since the sentries who had been positioned at the Sholgrong Sar Road intersection were gone. Of course, walking around the Barkhor in the middle of the night, one would still meet guards standing back-to-back or over 60 armed soldiers. Walking from Tsemonling Road to Shonnu Road one would also face over 30 armed soldiers patrolling the streets. Yet, this was still much less than in March when one was confronted with an enormous amount of soldiers.
However, very quickly, the atmosphere in Lhasa turned tense again. Of course, the sentries at Sholgrong Sar Road came back, also the area around the sacred Lukhang was once more full of armed police; and even less surprising was the Barkhor and the areas where Tibetan reside such as Karma Kunsang, were like Baghdad, as people in Lhasa would say. For about one week, every morning at dawn, a few military helicopters would circle in the sky above Lhasa, flying at a very low level. I could see those helicopters thundering passed my window even from the second floor. We all knew that this was military terror and those being terrorised by this colossal military action weren’t just a few people. It was obvious that it was aimed at “those who are not one of us”.
One afternoon, when Wang Lixiong and I entered Barkhor from Lugu North Alley, walked along Tsemonling Road, Beijing East Road, and the Lukhang, we saw sentries, patrolling armed police, special police forces, public security guards, bouncers, plainclothes police and so on everywhere. According to rough estimates, there must have been over a thousand such people. When we passed the police station in the Barkhor, we caught sight of a few dozen young armed soldiers forming two columns inside, exercising, boxing and wrestling; the air was filled with the roars of battle and the bright red slogans attached to their heads reading: “Army-Civilians Unite, Building Harmony” seemed rather ironic. Many tourists stopped to watch the scene; some of them were astonished looking tourists from Western countries
.
Wang Lixiong said that witnessing such scenes, those Western tourists must think that Tibet is under colonial rule. But the Communist Party regards itself powerful enough to not care about concealing anything.
Of course, around the Potala Palace area the scenery is entirely different, Lhasa people jokingly call it the “Han Chinese area”. We witness a similar situation on Dekyi Road and Namtso Road with its fiery restaurants and all its culinary fragrances, which is Lhasa’s famous food streets, even though the prices are as high as in Beijing. In fact, this street should be called “Corruption Street”, where scary looking people eat and drink at the expense of the public. During lunch and dinner times, the entire street resembles a car show full of fancy vehicles. But the even more extravagant corruption is found in hidden gathering places, which according to reports are frequently visited by military and cadre restaurants. One of these places is situated next to Lhasa’s “Hunan Love” restaurant, 99% of the money spent there are public funds and waiters and waitresses claim to even know the taste of well-known cadres and garnish the dishes accordingly. One table can easily cost a few thousand, even over ten thousand Yuan.
The most memorable experience during those unpredictable days in Lhasa was that time when I walked around the Tsekor at nightfall. The scent of juniper, which believers offer during the day, was still lingering in the air; it was the fragrance of faith that makes one feel carefree and relaxed. But it is a shame that the Lukhang has already been turned into something like a Han Chinese park; the layers of prayer flags hanging above the lake had already disappeared a long time ago and instead one finds nine dragon screen walls erected at the main entrance, Han architecture is dominant
everywhere.
Meanwhile, the outstandingly beautiful Potala Palace is being stigmatised as “the most reactionary, the darkest, the cruellest, and most barbaric” construction of “Old Tibet”. Yet, during the 51 years of unified Chinese Communist Party rule, referred to as “the epitome of progress” in a self-adulating way, they have not managed to erect any building that is even anywhere near as beautiful as the Potala Palace. Instead they have shot themselves in the foot over and over again by creating a Potala Square as an imitation of Tiananmen Square. This year, they added another two completely unnecessary luxurious underground passage ways. Moreover, they paved the prayer-wheel path in front of the Potala Palace with slab stones sticking out at both ends and they are using every opportunity to further commercialise the Palace and make money. Even more troubling is the fact that the paved slab stones which used to be found in front of Potala Palace, already made shiny and smooth by many pilgrims prostrating, and which should have been preserved or at least photographed as a memory, were regarded as scrap stone and have disappeared.