STATEMENT BY SPECIAL ENVOY OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA, KASUR LODI GYARI, HEAD OF THE DELEGATION WHICH VISITED CHINA IN JANUARY 2010
Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen and I, accompanied by two members of our Task Force, Tenzin P. Atisha and Bhuchung K. Tsering,  and Jigmey Passang from the Task Force Secretariat, visited China from January 26 to 31, 2010, for the ninth round of discussions with representatives of the Chinese leadership. This round was held after a gap of 15 months. We returned to Dharamsala on February 1, 2010 and have formally reported today to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kalon Tripa Samdhong Rinpoche, as well as the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
In Beijing, we had a session with Mr. Du Qinglin, Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference as well as Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, on January 30. We had a day-long discussion with Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar on January 31, 2010. Mr. Nyima Tsering, a Vice Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region People’s Congress, also participated in these meetings.
We first arrived in Changsha, capital of Hunan Province, on January 26, 2010. Before beginning our programmes there, we formally presented to the Central United Front Work Department, a Note relating to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for All Tibetans that we had given during the previous eighth round of dialogue in November 2008. The Note contained seven points that addressed the fundamental issues raised by the Chinese leadership during the eighth round and some constructive suggestions for a way forward in the dialogue process. The seven points include respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC, respecting the Constitution of the PRC, respecting the “Three Adherences,” respecting the hierarchy and authority of the Chinese Central Government, Concerns raised by the Central Government on specific competencies referred to the Memorandum, recognising the core issue, and offering His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s cooperation for a mutually beneficial solution.
The Note made clear that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other members of the exiled leadership have no personal demands to make.  His Holiness’ concern is with the rights and welfare of the Tibetan people.  Therefore, the fundamental issue that needs to be resolved is the faithful implementation of genuine autonomy that will enable the Tibetan people to govern themselves in accordance with their own genius and needs.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama speaks on behalf of the Tibetan people, with whom he has a deep and historical relationship and one based on full trust. It cannot be disputed that His Holiness legitimately represents the Tibetan people, and he is certainly viewed as their true representative and spokesperson by them.  It is indeed only by means of dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama that the Tibetan issue can be resolved.  The recognition of this reality is important.
We emphasised the point that His Holiness’ engagement for the cause of Tibet is not for the purpose of claiming certain personal rights or political position for himself, nor attempting to stake claims for the Tibetan Administration in Exile.
We called upon the Chinese side to stop the baseless accusations against His Holiness and labeling him a separatist. Instead, we urge the Chinese leadership to work with him to find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem based on the Memorandum.  This will ensure stability, unity and the development of a harmonious society.
The Chinese side laid out “Four Not to Indulge In” points to outline their position. They also provided us with a detailed briefing on recent developments relating to Tibet, particularly on the important Fifth Tibet Work Forum.  They said the Forum decided to further improve the livelihood of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region and all Tibetan areas, specifically in public services, such as education, medical services, and environmental protection. Based on the initial reports that we had of the Forum, we welcomed the issues it has taken up to improve the lives of the Tibetan people specially in rural areas. We welcome the fact that the Fifth Tibet Work Forum has looked into the issues of development in all Tibetan areas – The Tibet Autonomous Region as well as other Tibetan areas.  It is our strong belief that all the Tibetan areas must be under a uniform policy and a single administration. If we take away the political slogans, many of the issues that have been prioritised by the Forum are similar to the basic needs of the Tibetan people outlined in our Memorandum.
A major difference between the two sides is the conflicting perspectives on the current situation inside Tibet.  So, in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, we suggested a common effort to study the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of seeking truth from facts. This will help both the sides to move beyond each others’ contentions.
In the coming days we will be studying the issues raised by our counterparts, including the proceedings of the Fifth Tibet Work Forum and the “Four Not to Indulge In” points. As we had urged during our meeting, it is my sincere hope that the Chinese leadership will also seriously reflect on the issues raised by us.  Since His Holiness the Dalai Lama has consistently made his position clear on the future of Tibet within the framework of the People’s Republic of China, given political will on the Chinese leadership’s side we do not see any reason why we cannot find a common ground on these issues.  We would like to reiterate His Holiness’s continued willingness to work with the Chinese Central Government in this so that the Tibetan people can regain their pride and dignity and the People’s Republic of China’s stability and unity are ensured.
We thank our hosts, the Hunan United Front, Beijing United Front, and the Central United Front Work Department, for their hospitality during this visit.
February 2, 2010
Dharamsala

Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, 1910-2009
Tibetinfo.net
28. Dec 2009ISSN: 1864-1407
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme (Chin: Apei Awang Jinmei) died on 23 December 2009 in Beijing, a few months before his 100st birthday, though he was already 100 by Tibetan reckoning. Often denounced as a Chinese collaborator, mainly for his historical role in the demise of Tibetan independence, Ngapo, appears rather a tragic figure caught his whole life between, on the one hand, his view that open confrontation with China was pointless and on the other hand his loyalty towards the Dalai Lama and his fellow Tibetans.
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme
Ngapo, who came from the Horkhang family, one of Tibet’s highest aristocratic families, was appointed one of the four Kalons (minister) in the cabinet of the traditional Tibetan government (Kashag) under the last regent of Tibet, Tagdra Rinpoche.
A few weeks before an expeditionary force of China’s People’s Liberation army (PLA) entered the territory still under jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama’s government, Ngapo was sent as a governor of eastern Tibet and took up the post in the city of Chamdo (Chin: Qamdo) with, as his military support, an ill-equipped Tibetan army which for decades had been neglected, if not intentionally held weak, by the conservative establishment in Lhasa. Facing an overwhelming Chinese force and sensing that Tibet, with the departure of the British from India, could not count on effective international support, he opted for surrender in October 1950, and advised the Tibetan government to negotiate, prompting the departure of the Dalai Lama and his entourage to Chumbi/Dromo, on the border of Sikkim.
He then led the Tibetan delegation who, under heavy pressure, signed the 17-point Agreement on 23 May 1951, by which Tibet lost the de facto independence it had enjoyed during most of the first half of the 20^th century, and became part of the emerging People’s Republic of China (PRC).
During the crisis of March 1959, Ngapo apparently did not consider following the Dalai Lama into exile, but characteristically, he discreetly did as much as he deemed he could to ensure his safety. As masses of Tibetans surrounded the Norbu Lingka amidst rumours that Chinese forces planned to kidnap the Tibetan leader, the Chinese general in charge had lost his communication link to the Dalai Lama, claiming: “Not a drop of water could have trickled through”. As days passed, the Chinese authorities decided to use force. Ngapo therefore called Kashoepa, his friend and former fellow cabinet minister, to his home, where he looked after his wife, and requested him to ensure delivery of the general’s correspondence to which he enclosed a confidential message of his own, asking the Dalai Lama to locate on a map his whereabouts in the Palace, so he could divert the Chinese army’s shelling from that particular location. He rightly reckoned that the crowd would not oppose Kashoepa’s passage as he was a popular patron of the monasteries. Kashoepa conveyed in total two letters between the Chinese general and the Dalai Lama, which he delivered through his root guru, Trijang Rinpoche, the junior tutor of the Dalai Lama.
Ngapo, who had already been courted by the Chinese authorities during the 1950s, was given a number of honorific positions in ‘liberated’ Tibet and the PRC, second only to the Panchen Lama. In contrast to the experiences of many Tibetans, even Communists like ‘Baba’ Phuntsog Wangyal (‘Phunwang’), he managed to escape all the purges during the 1960s-70s. Among the posts he held was membership of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TARPC), vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress (NPC) Standing Committee, China’s rubber-stamping parliament, from 1964 to 1993, and vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). However, like a handful of Tibetans in similar positions, none of his posts ever entailed any real political power, and his role was at best in a ceremonial or advisory capacity.
Ngapo’s surrender in Chamdo and the signing of the 17-point Agreement earned him a reputation of being a shrewd opportunist, if not an outright traitor. Malicious rumours about his personal conduct – for example the allegations that he was something of a rake with gambling debts – already dogged him in the 1950s. The official posts he later held, his apparently perfect alignment behind the Party line, the official stances he time and again was made to lend his voice to, and even his penchant for cadre dress, made him a figure of contempt among Tibetans, particularly in exile.
It is only in the 1980s, when contacts between the Dalai Lama and Beijing resumed, and Ngapo had carefully aligned himself with the Panchen Lama’s efforts to revive Tibetan culture, that he assumed a more positive role. His efforts to act for the benefit of ethnic Tibetans within the narrow parameters of being a central public figure on a stage set and directed by the Communist Party of China (CPC)(1), found acknowledgement in a statement by the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) – the Government in Exile – issued one day after his death, which honoured him as “someone who upheld the spirit of the Tibetan people” and mourned his demise.
For others, particularly among advocates of Tibetan independence, who reject the Dalai Lama’s calls for autonomy within the PRC, Ngapo still remains a symbol of Tibetan collaboration and submissiveness. Exile Tibetan writer Bhuchung D. Sonam, called him “a perfect (…) opportunist”, who “from his vantage position (…) sensed which side was winning”, and “shrewd and calculative”, had “made sure to be with the winner”.
Notes:
1: A comparison with the Panchen Lama who openly and successfully supported the Tibetan renaissance after his rehabilitation is not entirely fair, because, as a religious leader, the Panchen Lama was graced with a fervent following, which put him in a far stronger position than Ngapo.

An excellent analysis of Tibetan’s survival struggle

By Manju Gupta
Tibet: The Lost Frontier, Claude Arpi, Lancer Publishers, Pp 338, Rs 795 (HB)
The author begins by paying her respects to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for “perhaps even more than the enlightened insights on Tibetan history and the issue of Tibet which he has given during several interviews. I am grateful to ‘Kundun’ simply for his ‘presence’ in this often adharmic world.”
The book introduces the main character in the tragedy that overtook the Roof of the World -Tibet – in 1950, which turned the destinies of India, Tibet and China. The three nations had the choice of going towards peace and collaboration or tension or confrontation, but each one chose its fate with all the consequences that followed. The end of the 40s saw the entry of a new player in the great game of free Asia and that was China. A new emperor, Mao Zedong ascended the throne of the Middle Kingdom. His counterpart was a British-educated Jawaharlal Nehru. On the one side of the chessboard was Mao, the great helmsman who believed in real world only; on the other side was the idealist Nehru who was a dreamer. In 1947, when General Sir Robert Lokhart took the paper containing the recommendations for building up a defence policy for India to Nehru, the latter ignored the suggestion saying that the police was good enough “to meet our security needs”. Mao knew his Indian interlocutor, the champion of non-violence well enough and feared no danger from him.
In Tibet, 15-year old Dalai Lama was enthroned as Tenzin Gyatso, who by religion and temperament showed many convictions dear to Nehru but supported Mao’s view that his country needed ‘socialist’ reforms. However, he was never to be allowed to implement them.
In India, two other characters, apart from Nehru, were KM Panikkar and VK Krishna Menon who played a negative role in the tragedy that unfolded. Panikkar believed that Mao was “the chosen leader of the resurgent people” and wholly supported China.
The book says that Beijing believed that Nehru wanted to be the leader of Asia and that the Chinese goal was to bring the communist revolution to Asia and at a later stage, to the entire world. In the struggle between capitalism and socialism, the Chinese leaders considered Nehru an obstacle. In October 1949, Mao Zedong had even disclosed, “Like free China, free India will one day emerge in the socialist and people’s democratic family. That day will end the imperialist reactionary era in the history of mankind.”
Mao had said after the 1962 Chinese attack in NEFA that people may ask if China had any intention to abandon a territory gained by heroic battle, but “does it mean that the heroic fighters shed their blood in vain and to no purpose?” For him and his comrades, imperialist tendencies mattered. Historian Dr RC Majumdar has shed light on this by saying, “It is characteristic of China that if a region once acknowledged her nominal suzerainty even for a short period, she would regard it as a part of her empire forever and would automatically revive her claim over it even after a thousand years, whenever there was a chance of enforcing it.”
While Nehru and the Dalai Lama, both “adept in the philosophy of non-violence, were ready to accept many compromises to avoid struggle or conflict, the Chinese did not find anything wrong in war and upheaval.” The author points out that the Indian leaders fooled themselves in believing in the ?Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai? doctrine when the Chinese aims “were always clear, loud and publicly assumed; nowhere did these plans ever move towards a friendship with India.”
George Ginsburg, who wrote Communist China and Tibet, had said, “He who holds Tibet dominates the Himalayan piedmont; he who dominates the Himalayan piedmont, threatens the Indian subcontinent; and he who threatens the Indian subcontinent may well have all south-east Asia within his reach, and all of Asia.” Mao Zedong, the strategist, knew this well as did the British who had always manoeuvred to keep Tibet as an ‘autonomous’ buffer zone between their Indian colony and the Chinese and Russian empires. The author says that the Government of India, upon inheriting the past treaties of the British, should have kept the British mantle with its advantages for Indian security and its sense of responsibility vis-ê-vis Tibet; “unfortunately fearing to be labelled a neo-colonialist state, they failed lamentably, giving no thought to the consequences which would follow.”
The author of this book makes a very pertinent point regarding China’s claims on Arunachal and Aksai Chin. The Chinese have been claiming both the disputed areas of Aksai Chin and Arunachal because “it costs them (the Chinese) nothing to exchange their claim on Arunachal against the ?legalisation? of their occupation of Aksai Chin.” The recent incursion in Arunachal Pradesh is probably a Chinese bluff to “replace their illegal occupation of Aksai Chin.” She suggests that if India wants peace with China, “it would certainly be in India’s interest if Delhi decides to help the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people to find a negotiated solution with Beijing.”
(Lancer Publishers, 2/42 (B) Sarvapirya Vihar, New Delhi-110 016.)

TIBET in SONG
AUCKLAND RIALTO CINEMA- NEWMARKET – Sunday  7th March 2010  Australasian Premiere  of TIBET in SONG at 4.40 pm., followed by questions and answers. Since Ngawang Choephel  couldn’t make it to the Premiere, so I told him that I will go and do the Q and A for him. I hope to be there in time after my hectic day as MC at the 13th Lakeside Multicultural Festival 2010 where 26 Ethnic Groups will perform from 1 – 5 pm.
TIBET in SONG will also screen on Friday the 12th March at 1.45 pm and Sunday 14th March at 1.35 pm    at Rialto Cinema Newmarket
WELLINGTON at ANGELIKA at Reading Cinemas – Courtenay:   Sunday 21st March at 4.30 pm, Friday 26th March at 1.30 pm   and Sunday 28th March 1.10 pm
I hope all our members will take this opportunity to see this documentary
You can also use the link to the film page on the website:
http://www.documentary.org.nz/2010/ak/film/tibet-in-song

Long Beach, LA — His Holiness left Memphis on the morning of September 24, 2009 arriving in Long Beach in California later this morning. At the airport he was received by Khensur Lobsang Jamyang whose Geden Shoeling Buddhist is hosting his visit here. Tibetan Parliamentarian for North America, Tenzing Chonden, and Kasur Pema Chhinjor were also among those who received His Holiness
His Holiness first went to the Geden Shoeling Buddhist Center in Westminster, California, where he blessed its library. He also had a lunch there before proceeding to Long Beach.
In the afternoon, at 2:30 pm His Holiness left for the nearby Terrace Theatre where around 500 members of the Tibetan community from southern California and nearby areas had gathered for an audience with him. The president of the Tibetan Community of Southern California, Mrs. Pema Chodon, gave a brief report on the activities.
The children of the Sunday Tibetan Culture school presented a song in praise of His Holiness.
Thereafter, His Holiness addressed the people for nearly 50 minutes. His Holiness said it is 50 years since we became refugees. He said it is nearly 60 years since the unfortunate events happened in Tibet. In the life span of a people’s history 50 years is not a long time, but if we look at it from the point of view of an individual’s life span, 50 or 60 years are really long time, he said.
He said in one sense, our situation for the past 50 years is a sad one. Those of us in exile have been homeless while those Tibetans in Tibetan have undergone great difficulties. However, in another sense on account of that negative development, the Tibetan people in all the three provinces have seen the strengthening of their feeling of their being the same people from the Land of Snows. His Holiness said, in the past, if we take the region where he was born, in Dhomey in Qinghai Province, the people there did not have any connection with the Tibetan Government. Although the people had spiritual connection their feeling of being Tibetan has not been that visible. But last year we saw developments in Tibet that showed that all Tibetans considered themselves as one, he said.
His Holiness said in exile, in general wherever Tibetans live, whether in India, Switzerland, or the United States, they have developed a very positive image. However, now if we are not alert and careful there is the risk of gradual degeneration of the positive Tibetan characteristic.
His Holiness said among the scholars in the international community Tibetan culture is seen as something that is beneficial to the world. Among scientists, there is acceptance that Tibetan culture and Tibetan Buddhism are not just museum pieces but something that have relevance to day-to-day life, he added.
He said if we look back to our situation in the past 50 years our negative experience has turned out to be some sort of a blessing. He said he usually mentioned that had he not been a refugee and resided in Lhasa, he would have had some pomp but would not have had the exposure to the world or would not have been able to have interest in such matters. On account of our being in exile, he said he had been able to meet all sorts of people, politicians, scientists, ordinary individuals, sick people, etc. From his own childhood he said he had been very curious to know and to get answers for “how” and “why” of anything. After meeting different people, he said he had the opportunity to become more aware.
His Holiness said he had always been saying that we should hope for the best while preparing for the worst. He thus urged everyone to be alert and not to become lax. In Tibet, the Tibetan people are exposed daily to fear and tribulation and so they have daily reminder of their situation. Those of us in exile, while we do care about the common cause, but because of absence of any daily emergency situation, other than means of earning livelihood or improving our situation, we face the risk of becoming lax, he said. We need to think over our condition and to think about the hope being placed in us by the people in Tibet, he said. His Holiness said this does not mean that one does something specifically for the Tibetan cause. Any Tibetan can utilize the opportunity in his or her daily interaction at the workplace or anywhere to show the positive Tibetan characteristic, he said. Such an attitude will garner support for Tibet from others.
His Holiness said it is important for the parents to relate their experience to their children so that the children become aware of the situation under which our community has existed and be reminded of their identity.
His Holiness said we are following the non-violent path for the cause of Tibet. We are proud of the path we have adopted since we have truth on our side. On account of this we can be non-violent and transparent. On the other hand, since the Chinese Communists do not have truth (concerning Tibet) they have to indulge in falsehood, distortion, and the use of force. If they have truth, then they can provide reasons.
In order to follow the path of non-violence we need education, His Holiness said. In the past we have fallen behind in the matter of modern education, he added. He related the experience of the 13th Dalai Lama who upon his return from India had taken steps to send students abroad, but that could not happen.
His Holiness also told the audience about his interaction with some Christian group in Ladakh during his recent visit there. He said he had told them that the Christians may have been the most effective among the religious traditions in providing education throughout the world. He told them that the Christian groups had established a school in Batang in Kham. Phuntsok Wangyal had told him that he had gone to that school. Similarly in Amdo there was another school. His Holiness said that had there been more such schools in Tibet there would have been hundreds and thousands of Tibetans who would have had modern education.
We need to look at our past experience and need to pay special attention to education. His Holiness then asked the university students in the audience to stand up. He commended them and said along with their studies they need to interact with more students, particularly if there are Chinese students. Such activities would be beneficial, he said. His Holiness also asked parents to encourage their children to continue their studies and to undertake specialized education.
His Holiness said along with modern education they also need to pay attention to Tibetan culture the basis of which is Tibetan Buddhism. He said mere faith in Tibetan Buddhism was not enough. One needs to study Buddhism and gain conviction through reasoning.
His Holiness referred to the presence of some monks in the gathering and said that they needed to be really conscientious. He advised the monk community not to use their religious faith as a means of earning a livelihood. Similarly, he said that anyone wearing a monk’s garment needs to be careful to abide by the responsibilities that come with it and they should not do anything inappropriate.
As for relations with China, His Holiness said that he did not have anything special to tell them. He said the main responsibility is being shouldered by the elected Kalon Tripa. We are sincerely following the path of democracy, he said. In the course of last year’s Special General Meeting, His Holiness said he had conveyed to the Kalon Tripa that we needed to get the frank views of the public on future course of action and to abide by it rather than us trying to bring them to our point of view.
His Holiness said after the Tibetan demonstrations last year and the subsequent Chinese actions we had felt that we needed to strengthen our outreach to the Chinese scholars in addition to our contact with the Chinese Government. He said he had suggested the establishment of Tibetan-Chinese friendship groups and some have already been established. He said he himself had made efforts in meeting Chinese scholars, particularly those who reside in China. He added that he may have met over 300 such Chinese individuals in the past one year. After these people have heard our side of the story relating to Tibet they have no hesitation in supporting us, he said.
He said some of the Chinese scholars tell us that the political system in China will change. In the past 60 years or so there has been degeneration of the traditional Chinese characteristic. Today, money has become the central focus in China. They feel that there is the need to revive the positive Chinese tradition. They say that today we need the support of the Chinese scholars on the Tibetan issue. In the future, Tibetans need to support the Chinese people in reviving their spiritual and cultural heritage. Thus, Chinese scholars understand the value of Tibetan culture and place hope on it for developing the Chinese society.
Therefore, it is very important that we establish relationship with the Chinese people. Some of them have told us that in the past they had only known the official Chinese Government position. But after meeting us, coming to the Tibetan communities in India, etc. they say that they have to apologize for what has happened to the Tibetans. This is the result of our having truth on our side.
If we look at the local level where Tibetans are in dire situation, things may seem hopelesss, but if we look at the situation from a broader perspective, it is a matter before truth triumphs. Everyone needs to continue with their indomitable determination.
If we look at the Tibetan people through history we can certainly feel proud. We have a language. If people need to study Buddhist philosophy in the world today it is Tibetan language that has the best collection. Thus we can be proud of being Tibetans. We also need to be able to keep up with the times in this 21st century and have an all round education. That is all.
His Holiness will be giving teachings on Septembet 25 and 26 in Long Beach.
— reported by Bhuchung K Tsering

Phayul
August 31, 2009
Dharamsala Aug 31 — The Kalon Tripa, Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche, yesterday advised Tibetan writers, poets and editors to adopt a middle way in their writing practices. The Prime Minister of Tibetan exile government was speaking as the chief guest at a literary conference today organized by the Tibetan PEN here at Mentseekhang hall.
Several writers, poets, editors and readers met for the annual affair that attracted participation from south India and Varanasi besides the avid readers from Norbulingka Institute and Sarah Tibetan College. The meeting was evidently a conglomeration of the usual group of Tibetan writers and readers. There was neither a diverse group, nor the sporadic writers in English except for one.
The president of Tibetan PEN, Lhamo Kyap, a poet and now a lecturer at a university in France, welcomed the gathering while the main organizer of the conference Kunther Dhondup, vice president of the organization, gave an overview of the conference.
Media shy Tibetan poet and writer Lodoe Palsang, who looked more like a rock star made a rare appearance to comment on overall literary development, while the lone Tibetan writer in English present at the conference, Tenzin Tsundue, spoke on “Mapping Tibetan Writing in English”.
Defining “Tibetan literature” threw up a controversy as some of the writers refused to recognize Tibetan writings in foreign languages as “Tibetan literature”. Tsundue claimed that if a writer is Tibetan and if the content is also Tibetan then it must be considered as Tibetan literature, it can be in English like Jamyang Norbu’s or Woeser’s in Chinese. Tsundue later told Phayul that the debate would grow stronger now that a whole new generation of English readers is growing up.
During the two-day proceedings the speakers covered a wide range of topics and subjects of concerns like women writing and writing for children. Tibetan writer and translator Chung Tsering mapped “story writing in exile since 1960”. Kelsang Lhamo’s novel “Drangsong Thiney Ki Milam Yunchik” was applauded by many. Pema Tsewang Shastri’s novel in Tibetan “Warm East Cold West” based on real lives of exile Tibetans won much praise for its realistic approach.
Some of most appreciated writers who got mentions were Gendun Chophel, Dhondup Gyal, Jamyang Norbu, Dawa Norbu, Pema Bhum, Ju Kesang, Jangbu, Tsering Wangmo Dhompa, Zung Shuk Kyi and Buchung D Sonam. Tibetan Freedom and other magazines were lauded as platforms for the writers.
Kalong Tripa boosted the morale of the writers promising his government’s support for publications of literature and also literary gatherings. However he stressed on the need for discipline among writers besides producing good literature in an apparent reference to a few members of the Tibetan PEN not returning to India after a literary conference in Europe two years back.
The Tibetan PEN will hold its general elections today but not many changes in the executives are expected.

Tibet Truth Blog
August 14, 2009
A traditional way-of-life which has flourished on the high grasslands of  Tibet is being silently strangled through policies which can only be understood as a form of cultural genocide, as hundreds-of-thousands of Tibetan nomads are being forced from their land. Communist China decided to ‘modernize’ Tibet’s ancient pastoral and nomadic economy, which has co-existed with the unique habitat of the Tibetan Plateau for millenia.
However operating behind the propaganda claims of  ecological protection and improving the conditions of Tibet’s nomadic population, is a policy that seeks to imprison some 2 million Tibetan nomads and exploit Tibet’s natural resources. Aimed at satisfying the needs of mainland China, the huge economic potential of Tibet’s considerable reserves of gas, oil,  minerals, water and timber provides no benefit the Tibetan people. Who, driven from their lands by communist China’s jack-booted paramilitary thugs, now find that open skies, yak-hair tents and snow-capped horizons have been replaced by barbed-wire and what are effectively concentration camps. Traumatized, confused and intimidated they are abandoned to grieve at the loss their lifestyle.
Concentration Camps Await (Golok in Amdo Eastern Tibet)
This state-engineered ethnic-cleansing operates on a scale not witnessed since the insane policies of Stalinist Russia, when countless numbers of  Crimean Tatars, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush, Balkars, Karachays and Meskhetian Turks
had their land forcibly confiscated. The deportation of Tibetans into concentration settlements shares similar totalitarian
objectives, to eradicate cultural and national identity and exert greater political and military control.  Such aims were revealed by remarks made last year by Tibet’s communist overlord Zhang Qingli  who noted in an internal Chinese journal that the “peace and contentment” that nomads derive from so-called improved housing “is the fundamental condition for us in holding the initiative in the struggle against the Dalai clique.”
Communist China Fences Of Kham’s Grasslands
Beijing is determined to crush resistance to Communist Chinese occupation and is investing considerable money into the creation of Tibetan reservations and concentration settlements. According to an October 2008 official communist
Chinese report, the authorities occupying Tibet’s eastern region of Kham (which was annexed and renamed into Sichuan Province) declared that some 470,000 nomads would be resettled, from an estimated total of 530,000 nomads.  In the neighboring region of Amdo (annexed and renamed as Qinghai Province) during 2004 the communist regime demanded that by 2011 all Tibetan nomads would deported from their traditional lands.
Creating Tibetan Reservations
The planned extinction of Tibetan nomadism by Communist China has shamefully attracted little concern from the so-called international community, history screams from the sidelines and once again liberal democratic societies remain silent.

Tibet Truth Blog
August 15, 2009
Lao Tzu, one of China’s great Taoist philosophers contemplating upon the challenges presented to a governing authority suggested that, “If you want to rule the people with impunity, fill their bellies and empty their minds.” That instruction has been accorded considerable political and economic investment by China’s communist regime, which employs consumptive distraction as one of a number of remedies against popular dissent and social agitation.
It is applied with particular zeal in occupied Tibet, where in an effort to undermine and corrupt the cohesive fabric of Tibetan culture and identity, the questionable consumer benefits of Chinese colonization are paraded on virtually every street. It is a sobering and troubling sight to witness Tibetans as stangers in their own cities, overwhelmed by China’s neon excesses which have so completely transformed towns across Tibet. Tibetans have suffered considerable social and health costs from such colonialist ‘development’, not that such an impact would concern the communist regime, which welcomes the gradual erosion of traditional Tibetan values.
Beer Promotion On Nearly Every Street

That process has been given a particularly worrying momentum by the increased availability of cheap alcohol and profusion of bars and nightclubs in Tibet’s major centers. Rather like the ‘fire-water’ poisoning of Native American peoples, which the ‘white-man’ tolerated and encouraged as a crude means of oppression and control, the devestating impacts of which continue . The communist Chinese authorities recognize and are gratified by the debilitating and corrosive societal effects alcoholism poses. A Tibetan population suffering the divisive and distracting fractures caused by alcohol abuse and dependency, the scale of which has not previously been experienced in Tibet, is less able or willing to organize and participate in political resistance.
It is an increasing health issue amongst Tibetans. According to a 2008 field-study, in part conducted by Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College in London the extent of alcohol related disorders has reached 31.6% for males and nearly 10 % for women. While a 2003 investigation recorded that “Alcohol use disorder was the most serious problem in Tibet with a point prevalence of 41.89% and a lifetime prevalence of 43.6%%. A number of associated mental health problems were also noted amongst those Tibetans examined with neuroses reaching a level of 26.7% and over 20%
instance of anxiety related disorders.Insidious Oppression
Insidious Oppression
Such results reflect the trauma and misery experienced by Tibetans under Chinese occupation who exist in a condition of almost perpetual anxiety, faced with the debilitating effects of poverty, unemployment or overwork, and enduring slum living conditions See File The oppressive forces which deny Tibetans their freedom and culture, is encouraging a dangerous slide into alcoholism. That suits the purposes of communist China which is intent of undermining restance to
its occupation of Tibet and eradicating forever any sense of a seperate Tibetan identity. Let us hope that Lao Tzu’s counsel does not prevail.
Lhasa Beer To Increase Production to 200,000 tons
The so-called Lhasa Beer Company, in part owned by Carlsberg (which has been an active player inside the Chinese market http://www.carlsberggroup.com/Company/Markets/Pages/China.aspx and recognizes Tibet as a growing area of
consumption) exports to the United States, where its American operation is run by George Witz. It’s website
http://lhasabeerusa.com/about-d/about contains some curious information on Tibet including the following whitewash:
“The culture of Tibet is deeply ingrained with compassion for all of life and that which supports it. They lived close to and revered the glories of the natural world. In their time they did not cut their forests or mine the earth for its bounty and lived in harmony and with a very light touch on the land. But times have changed and the forces of modernity are impinging on their traditional way of life which is becoming marginalized. They must adapt to the modern pressures and evolving circumstance in which they find themselves or face that their traditional way of life and their entire body of spiritual knowledge, which already has been seriously weakened, could slowly become extinct in its own land” (emphasis added)
The industrialized production and widespread availability of alcohol across Tibet is part of the machinery of communist China’s cultural oppression, a point which does not seem to concern Lhasa Beer USA. One wonders if perhaps Mr. Witz’s ancestors were Jewish? If so how would he have felt about an American businessman importing and promoting Polish beer produced in Nazi-Occupied Poland?

CTA
August 28 2009
Dharamshala — Gonpo Dhargye’s wife and his five children have been staging sit-in protest in front of the local police station in Jomda County in Tibet’s Chamdo Prefecture demanding his immediate release since 20 August, sources said.
Gonpo Dhargye, a local government official, was arrested along with his colleague by Chinese security forces on 27 June for failing to enforce patriotic education campaign at a monastery in Pema township in Jomda county.
Many local residents who tried to stop the forces from arresting Gonpo Dhargye were detained at Kyabche monastery and severely beaten up. Later, five detainees, including Gonpo Dhargye and Norlha who were considered ring leaders, were taken to Jomda county.
Gonpo Dhargye’s wife said her husband was arrested on baseless charges, adding, the family would die of hunger if their sole breadwinner is not released. So, we will die in front of the police station, she cried out. The police officials told her that they will soon decide her husband’s case, but they haven’t taken any decisive action yet.
Gonpo Dhargye is believed to be in poor health condition. His wife and five children, the eldest son being 11-years-old, are facing enormous hardships

Central Tibetan Administration
August 27, 2009
Dharamshala: Four Tibetan men who took part in the peaceful protests in Lhasa last year were sentenced to imprisonment with terms ranging from two-and-a-half to fifteen years by the Lhasa Intermediate People’s Court in the beginning of this year, sources said.
They have been identified as Wangchuk or Lobsang Wangchuk, Tsultrim, Choephel and Lhakpa Tsering.
Three of them joined peaceful demonstration against the Chinese government’s repressive policies in Tibet in Takste County, while one protested in Lhasa in March 2008.
They are believed to be serving their jail terms in a prison located in Chushul County near the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.
Lobsang Wangchuk, aged 26, son of Sonam Tsering, belongs to Dechen township in Taktse County. He received imprisonment up to 15 years for his role in the peaceful protests in Taktse last year. He had studied at Sangag monastery in Dechen township and later worked as taxi driver.
Tsultrim, aged 23, who is the elder of Lobsang Wangchuk and Choephel, aged 24, were sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail.
Lhakpa Tsering, aged 22, who was a painter by profession before he was arrested for participating in the peaceful demonstration in Lhasa. He is serving five years imprisonment.
The security clampdown by Chinese security forces and police across Tibet since 10 March last year left more than 220 Tibetans dead and over 1,294 were seriously injured. Over 5,600 were arrested, 290 sentenced and more than 1,000 have simply disappeared, as per information received by the Central Tibetan Administration.