Former Noble Peace Prize winners pledge support to Tibet

Former Noble Peace Prize winners pledge support to Tibet

April 26, 2012

CHICAGO: Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay today met with Nobel peace prize winners FWD Clark for half an hour and Jody Williams and Shirin Ebadi for forty five minutes at the ongoing 12th Noble Laureates Conference held in Chicago, United States.

During his discussion with the world leaders, he conveyed the good wishes of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and thanked them for expressing their support to the Tibetan struggle.

The Nobel laureates recently wrote a letter to the Chinese leaders in Beijing to hold open talks with His Holiness the Dalai to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully.

Kalon Tripa also informed them the successful political transition of Tibetan leadership in exile, from His Holiness the Dalai Lama to a democratically elected leader in August 2011.

The noble laureates applauded the efforts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to usher in political reforms, saying his decision to separate political from spiritual leadership was magnanimous and in the long- terms interests of the Tibetan people.

As the political leader of the Tibetan people, Kalon Tripa informed them the present crisis in Tibet and the ongoing self-immolations by Tibetans to resist Chinese occupation.

Since Tapey’s self-immolation on 16 March 2009, thirty-six Tibetans –monks, nuns, lay Tibetans – have set themselves on fire to protest China’s iron-grip occupation of Tibet. Of them, twenty-eight lost their lives.

Expressing their deep sadness over the deaths of Tibetans and solidarity to the Tibetan freedom movement, the Nobel laureates urged Kalon Tripa to keep informing them about developments in Tibet.

They said, ‘we reiterate our pledge to support Tibetan people and the peaceful resolution of Tibetan struggle.’

The Nobel Laureates’ Conference is held every year to discuss and tackle urgent issues such as poverty, income inequalities, human rights abuses, environmental crisis and nuclear arms race threatening the global planet.


Self-immolations shake Tibetan resolve

Self-immolations shake Tibetan resolve

By Sue Lloyd-Roberts

BBC Newsnight, Dharamsala

A series of self-immolations in protest against Chinese rule has shaken exiled Tibetans’ faith in their spiritual leader and the path of non-violence.

At 76, the Dalai Lama has announced his retirement as a political leader, but retains his role as spiritual leader of some five million Tibetans.

But he has remained strangely quiet on the subject of the self-immolations – 32 of which have taken place in the past year alone.

“Now this is very, very sensitive political issue,” he explains with due solemnity.

Exiled Tibetan monks are growing frustrated with the Dalai Lama’s handling of self-immolations “If I get involved in that, then the retirement from political power is meaningless. Whatever I say the Chinese government they immediately manipulate.”

For more than 50 years now, the Dalai Lama has been pursuing his “middle way” – a policy of advocating non-violence while pursuing a programme of talks between successive Chinese governments and his representatives.

But, he admits, it has been a waste of time. There have been no talks for more than two years.

“Our approach [has been] more or less failure to get some kind of cross understanding with the Chinese government and some kind of improvement inside Tibet. In that aspect [it has] completely failed,” he says.

“These [Chinese] leaders are very foolish, narrow minded, authoritarian sort of people,” he says.

“They use only their mouth. No ear, never willing to listen to others. As far as their government is concerned, they are really very, very hardened.

“They do not understand what is the real Tibetan feeling.”

He speaks with emphasis and anger. It is the most un god like behaviour I have ever witnessed from His Holiness, the 14th Dalai Lama, in 20 years of interviewing him.

He is fed up and so are his followers. But for decades, it was considered almost blasphemy to criticise the Dalai Lama and his policies. Not any more.

“I question the current policy and position of His Holiness not to face reality and then forcing Tibetans to commit suicide,” says 60-year-old Lhasang Tsering, a former president of the influential Tibetan Youth Congress.

Karma Chophel, a former speaker of the Tibetan parliament in exile, takes the warning further.

“Non-violence has not worked. Violence could now be the only option,” he says.

Disparate acts

There have been 32 self-immolations among mainly monks and nuns living in the Tibetan areas of China over the past year alone.

Norbu, a Tibetan from Sichuan province in China, braved the perilous journey over the Himalayas to find refuge in India.

“I had to come,” he says, “to tell the world what is happening.”

“I was shopping in Ngaba [Aba] town when suddenly two monks ran down the street in flames. One was holding a Tibetan flag and shouting for freedom of religion and for the return of the Dalai Lama.

“After a few minutes, police, firemen and soldiers arrived, put out the flames and threw the two monks in to the back of an army truck. We were told they were being treated in hospital but no one has been allowed to visit them and so we don’t know whether they are dead or alive.”

The self-immolations witnessed by Norbu took place in September last year. Lobsang Kalsang and Lobsang Kunchok were both 18 years old.

Nearly all of these desperate acts follow the same pattern. The monks and nuns (there have been only two civilians) drink kerosene and splash it over their bodies before setting themselves alight.

Many wrap themselves in barbed wire to make it harder for the police to stop them. All policemen in the area carry fire extinguishers.

There have been 32 self-immolations in the past year If Norbu was so anxious to tell his story, I ask, why did it take him so long to leave Sichuan province?

He explains that here are now three military camps surrounding Kirti monastery, where the majority of those who have self-immolated come from, and “security forces and plainclothes police are everywhere. There are checkpoints on every road.”

“The internet cafes have all been closed and even the public telephone office. It’s as if we Tibetans have been shut up in a room and the Chinese have locked the door.”

The Chinese have forbidden access to the area to outsiders. They believe they are bringing development and modernisation to backward Tibetan areas and blame outside forces – particularly the Dalai Lama – for stirring up trouble.

The only way of finding out what is going on is to watch the horrific YouTube videos of the self-immolations which are regularly posted on Tibetan support websites such as Free Tibet and the International Campaign for Tibet.

Journalists wanting to find out more head to Dharmamsala in India, where the 150,000 Tibetans living in exile with the Dalai Lama monitor the grim events taking place in their erstwhile home.

All the major monasteries in Tibet have equivalents in India. At Dharamsala’s Kirti Monastery, I am directed to two monks, Kanyag Tsering and Lobsang Yishe.

While the monastery resounds to the sound of mediaeval prayersong, accompanied by cymbals, bells and giant Tibetan horns, Tsering and Yishe are on their Apple Macs and smart phones.

As I arrive in their cell at the top of the monastery, there’s been another self immolation and they are hard at work.

“His name is Lobsang Tsultrim and he’s 19 years old,” Tsering, with his phone to his ear talking to a monk in Kirti Monastery in China, says to Yishe who is typing fast on his keyboard.

“Did he shout any slogans? What happened?”

They are told the police threw his body into a truck – he was still raising his hand and shouting “Free Tibet!”

“He’s not dead yet? You’re checking?” He died the next day.

Once they hear from three different sources, they send the news to Tibet support groups and journalists.

Tibetans in exile are desparate for a shift in the Chinese policy towards Tibet

The two monks then make their way up and along the narrow staircases and corridors of the monastery to the office of the head of the monastery, Kirte Rinpoche, who is also spiritual head of the monastery in China. His face contorts with pain as he hears the news.

“The recent self-immolations express the suffering not just of the monks but of the entire Tibetan people,” he says.

It was Chairman Mao who once said “when there is repression the people will revolt”.

In an office in Dharamsala, the current general secretary of the Tibetan Youth Congress, Tenzin Chokey, is sitting at her computer monitoring the pictures coming in from Tibet.

They show demonstrations involving thousands of Tibetans as news of the latest self-immolation spreads through Ngaba [Aba] county in Sichuan province.

“Listen,” she says as she leans forward towards the screen to try and hear what the crowds are saying, “people in Tibet have spoken and they want freedom and independence. We’re scared. Up until now, it has been non-violent. But it could spiral out of control.”

That evening, news of another self-immolation reaches Dharamsala. Monks, nuns and lay people take to the streets for a candlelit procession.

It used to be the Dalai Lama and his team in exile who debated the direction in which his people should go.

Now, Tibetans in Tibet are asserting themselves and those in exile can only respond with candles and prayer.

Watch Sue Lloyd-Roberts full report on Tibet on Newsnight on Wednesday 18 April 2012 at 10.30pm on BBC Two, then afterwards on the BBC iPlayer and Newsnight website.


Nobel Laureates Urge President Hu for Dialogue on Tibet

Nobel Laureates Urge President Hu for Dialogue on Tibet

April 3, 2012

DHARAMSHALA: A group of 12 Nobel Peace Laureates — including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Rigoberta  Menchu Tum, and President Jose Ramos Horta — today sent a letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao urging him to “respect the dignity of the Tibetan people” and open “meaningful dialogue” with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan leaders. The letter is in response to the recent spate of self-immolations of Tibetans protesting the repression of the Tibetan people.

*Full text of letter*:

President Hu Jintao,

The People’s Republic of China

Bejiing, China

Dear Mr. President:

The people of Tibet wish to be heard. They have long sought meaningful autonomy, and chosen negotiation and friendly help as their means of attaining it. They now turn to protest. The international community is concerned by the drastic expressions of resentment by the people of Tibet through self-immolation. The Chinese government should hear their voices, understand their grievances and find a non-violent solution.

That solution is offered by our friend and brother His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who has never sought separatism, and has always chosen a peaceful path. We strongly urge the Chinese government to seize the opportunity he provides for a meaningful dialogue. Once formed, this channel should remain open, active and productive. It should address issues that are at the heart of the current tension, respecting the dignity of the Tibetan people and the integrity of China

Specifically, we are respectfully requesting that the Chinese government release all those who have been arbitrarily detained; cease the intimidation, harassment and detention of peaceful protestors; allow unrestricted access for journalists, foreign diplomats, and international organizations to Tibet; and respect religious freedom.

It is especially important to understand that the international community will be reassured if your government would allow members of the press and United Nations Human Rights investigators full access within Tibet. Without that access, progress is unlikely and an opportunity may be lost.

Sincerely,

Desmond Tutu

Jody Williams

Rigoberta Menchu Tum

Jose Ramos Horta

Leymah Gbowee

Adolfo Perez Esquivel

Shirin Ebadi

Lech Walesa

Mairead Corrigan Maguire

Jon Hume

Betty Williams

Carlos Belo

Nobel Laureates Urge President Hu for Dialogue on Tibet

Nobel Laureates Urge President Hu for Dialogue on Tibet

April 3, 2012


DHARAMSHALA: A group of 12 Nobel Peace Laureates — including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Rigoberta  Menchu Tum, and President Jose Ramos Horta — today sent a letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao urging him to “respect the dignity of the Tibetan people” and open “meaningful dialogue” with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan leaders. The letter is in response to the recent spate of self-immolations of Tibetans protesting the repression of the Tibetan people.


*Full text of letter*:


President Hu Jintao,

The People’s Republic of China

Bejiing, China


Dear Mr. President:


The people of Tibet wish to be heard. They have long sought meaningful autonomy, and chosen negotiation and friendly help as their means of attaining it. They now turn to protest. The international community is concerned by the drastic expressions of resentment by the people of Tibet through self-immolation. The Chinese government should hear their voices, understand their grievances and find a non-violent solution.


That solution is offered by our friend and brother His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who has never sought separatism, and has always chosen a peaceful path. We strongly urge the Chinese government to seize the opportunity he provides for a meaningful dialogue. Once formed, this channel should remain open, active and productive. It should address issues that are at the heart of the current tension, respecting the dignity of the Tibetan people and the integrity of China


Specifically, we are respectfully requesting that the Chinese government release all those who have been arbitrarily detained; cease the intimidation, harassment and detention of peaceful protestors; allow unrestricted access for journalists, foreign diplomats, and international organizations to Tibet; and respect religious freedom.


It is especially important to understand that the international community will be reassured if your government would allow members of the press and United Nations Human Rights investigators full access within Tibet. Without that access, progress is unlikely and an opportunity may be lost.


Sincerely,


Desmond Tutu

Jody Williams

Rigoberta Menchu Tum

Jose Ramos Horta

Leymah Gbowee

Adolfo Perez Esquivel

Shirin Ebadi

Lech Walesa

Mairead Corrigan Maguire

Jon Hume

Betty Williams

Carlos Belo


April 3, 2012

DHARAMSHALA: A group of 12 Nobel Peace Laureates — including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Rigoberta  Menchu Tum, and President Jose Ramos Horta — today sent a letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao urging him to “respect the dignity of the Tibetan people” and open “meaningful dialogue” with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan leaders. The letter is in response to the recent spate of self-immolations of Tibetans protesting the repression of the Tibetan people.

*Full text of letter*:

President Hu Jintao,

The People’s Republic of China

Bejiing, China

Dear Mr. President:

The people of Tibet wish to be heard. They have long sought meaningful autonomy, and chosen negotiation and friendly help as their means of attaining it. They now turn to protest. The international community is concerned by the drastic expressions of resentment by the people of Tibet through self-immolation. The Chinese government should hear their voices, understand their grievances and find a non-violent solution.

That solution is offered by our friend and brother His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who has never sought separatism, and has always chosen a peaceful path. We strongly urge the Chinese government to seize the opportunity he provides for a meaningful dialogue. Once formed, this channel should remain open, active and productive. It should address issues that are at the heart of the current tension, respecting the dignity of the Tibetan people and the integrity of China

Specifically, we are respectfully requesting that the Chinese government release all those who have been arbitrarily detained; cease the intimidation, harassment and detention of peaceful protestors; allow unrestricted access for journalists, foreign diplomats, and international organizations to Tibet; and respect religious freedom.

It is especially important to understand that the international community will be reassured if your government would allow members of the press and United Nations Human Rights investigators full access within Tibet. Without that access, progress is unlikely and an opportunity may be lost.

Sincerely,

Desmond Tutu

Jody Williams

Rigoberta Menchu Tum

Jose Ramos Horta

Leymah Gbowee

Adolfo Perez Esquivel

Shirin Ebadi

Lech Walesa

Mairead Corrigan Maguire

Jon Hume

Betty Williams

Carlos Belo

Friends of Tibet Condemn the Arrest of Tenzin Tsundue

Friends of Tibet Condemn the Arrest of Tenzin Tsundue.

Tenzin Tsundue speaking at “What Does the Tibet Leverage Mean for India Today?” discussion organised by the Tibetan Women’s Association at India Habitat Centre, New Delhi minutes before his arrest by the Indian Police. Tempa Tsering, Special Representative of HH the Dalai Lama in New Delhi; Mohan Guruswamy, Chairman and Founder of Centre for Policy Alternatives and Maj General (Retd) Vinod Saighal next to him.

Friends of Tibet strongly condemn the Arrest of Tenzin Tsundue, noted Tibetan writer-activist who was whisked away by the Indian authorities ahead of Chinese President Hu Jintao’s scheduled arrival in New Delhi for Brics 2012.

In an unfortunate incident this evening, the writer-activist was whisked away by the police officials from New Delhi’s India Habitat Centre where he was speaking at an Academic Dialogue titled “What Does the Tibet Leverage Mean for India Today?” organised by the Tibetan Women’s Association. The authorities gave no reason for it, except for clarifying later that Tenzin Tsundue was under ‘preventive detention’ till March 31, 2012. Tenzin Tsundue was forcibly removed by half a dozen cops in plain clothes and bundled away in an unmarked white Santro car.

Chhaya Sharma, DCP South, Delhi Police, who was herself present at the India Habitat Centre along with a posse of police people refused to reveal any detail of the detention. The action comes on a day dozens of other

Tibetans were arrested or detained across Delhi a day before Chinese leader Hu Jintao arrives at the Indian capital to attend a high-profile BRICS summit. No reason or paperwork was shown by the authorities in any of the cases. The arrest of Tenzin Tsundue and other Tibetan activists comes one day after a 27-year-old Jamphel Yeshi, attempted self-immolation attempt at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. Two other Tibetan activists were also arrested from the Press Club of India in New Delhi while demanding the Chinese President Hu Jintao to improve human right situation in occupied Tibet in light of over 30 self immolations by Tibetan monks and nuns.

Pressure Groups and organisations like Tibetan Youth Congress, Core Group for Tibet Cause, Swarajpeeth, Tibetan Women’s Association, Global Gandhian Movement for Swaraj and Friends of Tibet condemned today’s arrest of young Tibet activists. In a statement, Vijay Kranti, journalist and long-term Tibet supporter “urged the Government of India to immediately release Tibetan exile leaders to express themselves freely.” He also demanded that the visiting President Hu Jintao should be tried in the international court of law for his personal involvement in mass murder of hundreds of Tibetan demonstrators in Tibet in 1989 and 2008. “Government of India has brought shame to democratic image of India by arresting Tibetans,” he added.

Friends of Tibet, PO Box 16674, Bombay 400050, India.

Chinese Government Cadres Take Over Tibetan Monasteries

Chinese Government Cadres Take Over Tibetan Monasteries

A number of Tibetan monasteries in Nagchu (Chinese: Naqu) Prefecture’s Diru County in Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) have been forced to hand over the entire administration and management of the monasteries to groups of cadres sent by the Chinese government.

Around the end of February 2012, the ‘work teams’ with over five members each visited Taklung Monastery and Choelung Monastery and held meetings. At these meetings, the officials decided to transfer all rights and authority of the monasteries to the Chinese government, sources told TCHRD.

The ‘work teams’ also documented details of the monasteries’ assets including all antique pieces and ordered the monastery officials not to make any transaction without official approval.

These monasteries were privately-built and –run by the local monks. Many older monks had worked in the past raising money for the revival of these monasteries.

Monks Protest

The ‘work teams’ also organized ‘patriotic re-education’ sessions provoking some monks to boldly ask the officials whether the government’s public avowal of granting religious freedom was contradictory to forced ‘re-education’ sessions, according to sources.

Fed up with ‘patriotic re-education’ classes and constant questionings over whether they or someone they knew had links with Tibetans living in exile or if there were any former monks of the monasteries now living in India, the monks voluntarily decided to leave the monastery after the forced takeover of their monasteries by the Chinese government.

Tibetans March to Township Office

At the township government office in Markhug village, the work team officials later issued an order stipulating a one-month period for the monks to realize their mistakes and return to their monasteries failing which the officials would use other methods.

This order was issued after mass verbal petitionings by local Tibetans who had marched to the township office and urged the ‘work teams’ stationed there to let the monks return to avoid possible closure of monasteries. The Tibetans said they feared there wouldn’t be any monks left to conduct religious rites and rituals intrinsically important to the practice of their faith. Many feared without the monks, even the dead could not be cremated with necessary rites and rituals.

Monasteries Closed After Mass Boycott

Monasteries such as Bekar, Drong-na, Rabten, and Roggyen had to be closed down after monks staged mass boycott leaving the monasteries empty. In these monasteries, government officials held many ‘re-education’ sessions and attempted to hoist Chinese national flags.

Meanwhile, the local officials have ordered heads of ‘neighborhood committees’ to monitor goings-on in every neighborhood in the county. Under this order, no family can shelter monks or monks who had left their monasteries in protest. And if a family gets information on such monks, they are required to inform the officials.

Tibetan Official Sacked

The village head of Layok village in Diru County, Mr Soegyam, a Tibetan, was fired after he refused to carry out the order of forcing monks to return, according to sources. Mr Soegyam told the officials that the monks did not want to live under constant suffering and surveillance.

According to information received by TCHRD, over 13 officials in Tibet have been sacked since December 2011 for not enforcing the strict new security guidelines in Tibet. On 1 December 2011, the TAR government issued an 18-point regulation that provides directives for handling and managing those cadres who fail to maintain ‘stability’ in Tibet. The heart of the regulation states that cadres who fail to strictly enforce the new security guidelines will face instant demotion followed by prosecution and eventual punishment.

At a meeting in Layok village, the local Tibetans again challenged the ‘work team’ officials complaining about the absence of any monks to carry out religious rituals following the closure of monasteries in the area. The officials in turn asked the Tibetans to handover the ritual money so that they, the officials, could perform the rituals.

Following the meeting which witnessed heated exchanges between the Tibetans and the officials, a group of Tibetans later approached the township office and left a dead body with Chinese Yuan 3,000 so the officials could observe the rituals for the dead person.

There is no information about the current situation in the area as phone lines are not working, sources informed TCHRD.

Dukthen Kyi (Ms)
Researcher and UN Personnel
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy
Top Floor Narthang Building
Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamsala
H.P. INDIA 176215
www.tchrd.org office. +91-1892 223363/ 225874


Statement of Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the 53rd Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

Statement of Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the 53rd Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

Today, on the 53rd anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day and the fourth anniversary of the 2008 mass protests in Tibet, I offer tribute to the brave people who have sacrificed so much for Tibet. Despite fifty-three years of occupation by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Tibetan spirit and identity inside Tibet remains unbroken.

On this occasion, I pay homage to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for his vision, leadership and benevolence. I also pay my deepest respect and gratitude to our elders for their contribution and tireless effort that have sustained our movement’s growth and dynamism over the past fifty years.

One year ago, when His Holiness the Dalai Lama announced the transfer of his political power to a democratically elected leader, Tibetans were apprehensive and implored him to reconsider. Today, the world recognizes and applauds His Holiness’ vision and magnanimous decision. Tibetans are making a smooth transition with the free, fair and multi-candidate 2011 parliamentary and Kalon Tripa elections that involved exile and diaspora Tibetans in over forty countries.

I am deeply honored by the spiritual blessings, legitimacy, political authority and continuity bestowed upon me by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In his statement at my inauguration ceremony on August 8th, 2011, His Holiness said “when I was young, an elderly regent Takdrag Rinpoche handed over Sikyong (political leadership) to me, and today I am handing over Sikyong to young Lobsang Sangay…in doing this, I have fulfilled my long-cherished goal.”

I am also enormously moved by the solidarity and endorsements from Tibetans inside Tibet during the elections and since assuming my political post. I have had many deeply moving encounters with hundreds of Tibetans from Tibet as they generously offered their blessings and support.

Blessed by the historic transfer of political power from His Holiness, empowered by the mandate received from the people, and buoyed by the support and solidarity from Tibetans inside Tibet, I can say with pride and conviction that the Central Tibetan Administration legitimately represents and speaks for all six million Tibetans.

Beijing’s view that a generational change in leadership may weaken the Tibetan freedom movement has not and will never materialize.  The resiliency of the Tibetan spirit combined with a coming generation of educated Tibetans will provide dynamic leadership and sustain the movement till freedom is restored in Tibet.

If the Chinese government’s claim that Tibetans enjoy freedom and equality are true, then it should allow democratic, transparent, free and fair elections in Tibet. In the fifty-three years of Chinese occupation, no Tibetan has ever held the Party Secretary post of the so- called Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Chinese hold majority of the decision-making positions in all branches of the government and constitute more than fifty percent of the public sector workforce. Seventy percent of the private sector enterprises are owned or operated by Chinese. Forty percent of Tibetan high school and college graduates are unemployed.

The Tibet issue concerns far more than the rights and welfare of six million Tibetans. It impacts the entire planet. The unique Tibetan culture, with its rich language, spirituality and history must be protected. The Tibetan plateau is the ‘world’s third pole’ as it contains the largest ice fields outside the two poles. Tibetan glaciers, the source of ten major rivers, affect the lives of more than 1.5 billion people. Billions of dollars worth of mineral resources are exploited annually to fuel China’s economy. Decades of logging have reduced Tibet’s pristine forest cover by half. Clearly, the management of this global common, and the Tibetan people’s traditional role as its stewards, ought to be a planetary concern.

When China invaded Tibet in 1949, it promised to usher in a ‘socialist paradise.’ In actuality Tibetans are treated as second-class citizens. When Tibetans gather peacefully and demand basic rights as outlined in the Chinese constitution, they are arrested, fired upon and killed as in the January 23-24th peaceful protests when Chinese were celebrating their new year. The Communist Party cadre members in the TAR have been ordered to prepare for a “war” against the Tibetan protestors.

In stark contrast, in Wukan (Guangdong Province), protests by Chinese people lasted weeks, their grievances were addressed, one of the protest leaders was appointed as the new Party Secretary for the village, and provincial authorities even supported free village elections.

Intellectuals, artists and leaders in Tibet are being arbitrarily arrested and imprisoned. Thousands of pilgrims recently returning from India have been detained and many have disappeared. Tibetans, including monks and nuns, are forced to denounce the Dalai Lama and attend patriotic re-education classes. Foreigners and international media are barred from Tibetan areas.

A Chinese scholar recently observed there are “more Chinese than Tibetans, more police than monks, more surveillance cameras than windows” in Lhasa, the capital city of Tibet. The entire region is under undeclared martial law.

China has built many airfields in Tibet, stationed many more divisions of the PLA, begun expanding the railway line to the borders of neighboring countries, and dispatched thousands of paramilitary forces into Tibetan areas. Tibet has become one of the most militarized areas in the region.

Today, there is no space for any conventional protests such as hunger strikes, demonstrations and even peaceful gatherings in Tibet. Tibetans are therefore taking extreme actions such as the one by26Tibetans who have committed self-immolations since 2009. His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the CTA have always discouraged such drastic actions. However, despite our pleas, Tibetans continue to self-immolate with 14 cases already in 2012. Fault lies squarely with the hardline leaders in Beijing, so does the solution. The self-immolations are an emphatic rejection of the empty promises of the so-called ‘socialist paradise.’

The Tibetan struggle is not against the Chinese people or China as a nation. It is against the PRC government’s policies. China must acknowledge the depth of the problems in Tibet and understand they cannot be solved through violence.

To address the tragedy in Tibet, I call on Beijing to accept our Middle Way Policy, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibetans within the framework of the Chinese constitution and as proposed in the Memorandum and Note of 2008 and 2010 respectively. Hong Kong and Macao have been granted high degree of autonomy. Despite resistance from Taiwan, China has offered Taiwan a high degree of autonomy towards re-unification. Why are Tibetans still not granted genuine autonomy as stipulated in the Chinese constitution?

We hope that China’s upcoming leaders will initiate genuine change, and that they find the wisdom to admit the government’s long- standing hardline policy in Tibet has failed. We have chosen to move down a mutually beneficial path even though Tibet historically enjoyed independent status and Tibetans have the right to self-determination according to international law. Concerned Chinese citizens and intellectuals should make an effort to seek the truth and understand why Tibetans are protesting and self-immolating. Dialogue and a peaceful resolution to the Tibet issue are in the best interest of China, the Chinese people and Tibetans.

We stand ready to send envoys to resume the dialogue process even though the Chinese envoy belonging to the United Front Work Department has of late invested far more energy traveling around the world and making outrageous attacks on His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the CTA led by the Kalon Tripa. In the process they have actually further internationalized the Tibet issue.

A key reason for creating the United Nations was the pursuit of human rights. I urge the UN to live up to its objective and address the crisis in Tibet by appointing a Special Rapporteur and visiting Tibet.

The international community and media must send a fact-finding delegation into Tibet to remove the veil of censorship and disinformation campaign. “Even Pyongyang (North Korea) has an international media presence, which is not the case in Lhasa,” says Reporters Without Borders.

I appeal to the officials and member states of ASEAN and SAARC to include the Tibet issue in your agenda given Tibet’s geopolitical and environmental significance affecting billions of Asians. A China that is able to address the Tibet issue will make it a more peaceful neighbor and contribute to harmony and stability in the region.

To my fellow Tibetans, now is the time to show solidarity and support with our brothers and sisters in Tibet. We must give education top priority so that educated and community-minded Tibetans will provide dynamic leadership and sustain the Tibetan movement till freedom is restored in Tibet. The Kashag would like to request that mantras and prayers be recited every Wednesday for those who have sacrificed their lives for the Tibetan cause. Younger Tibetans should embrace and celebrate our proud heritage and identity by wearing, speaking and eating Tibetan every Wednesday.

Let us make 2012 a Tibet Lobby Year. In this Tibetan New Year, I call upon all Tibetans and friends to reach out to elected representatives at the state and national levels in your countries. Invite and educate them about Tibet and the efforts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the CTA. Generate debate about Tibet and get legislations passed in support of Tibet and the Tibetan people. Initiate activities that raise the profile of Tibetan democracy and visibility of Tibetan political leadership and the CTA.

The fourteenth Kashag will make maximum efforts to realize our larger goal, as well as take steps to prepare the Tibetan people and institutions for the 21st century under the guiding principles of unity, innovation and self-reliance. The Kashag again urges all Tibetans and friends participating in various solidarity activities to ensure that the activities are undertaken peacefully, in accordance with local laws, and with dignity. Please remember non-violence and democracy are two of our constant principles.

The Tibetan people and current Kashag are extremely blessed to have the continuing presence and wisdom of His Holiness the great 14thDalai Lama. The Kashag extends absolute support to the historic statement issued on September 24, 2011 by His Holiness concerning his reincarnation. We believe His Holiness alone has the right to determine his reincarnation, and that the communist government of China has absolutely no say or role in this matter.

I would like to take this occasion to thank all governments, especially the governments of United States, Europe and Asia, organizations, Tibet Support Groups, and individuals who have supported the Tibetan people. Your support is greatly appreciated. I also call on our old and new friends alike to reinvigorate the Tibet Support Groups around the world. We need you more than ever at this critical time. The Kashag would also like to acknowledge the full cooperation of the Chitue Lhentsok and looks forward to a productive partnership in serving Tibet and Tibetan people.

I am also happy to express the Tibetan people’s deepest and continued gratitude to the government and people of India for their generous hospitality and kindness over the past five decades. My appreciation has grown tremendously since becoming the political head of the Tibetan people. Hardik Shukriya!

Lastly, to our dear brothers and sisters in Tibet, we would like to say that you are in our hearts and prayers every day. We will walk side by side with you till freedom is restored for Tibetans and His Holiness the Dalai Lama returns to Tibet. I pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. May our long cherished goal of freedom and reuniting in the Land of Snows be realized soon!

March 10, 2012, Dharamsala


Memorandum on the Call for an EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs

Memorandum on the Call for an EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs

Posted on 05 März 2012

by Kelsang Gyaltsen, Envoy of H. H. the Dalai Lama, February 2012

The Tibetan struggle: A case of exemplary non-violent struggle for freedom

For over five decades, under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan freedom struggle has remained strictly non-violent.  After the devolution of his political authority to the democratically elected leaders of the Central Tibetan Administration, the Tibetan political leadership in exile has made clear that it will continue to abide by the path of non-violence and not seek separation from China or independence for Tibet.  The Central Tibetan Administration will continue to strive for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the framework of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) through dialogue and negotiations.  Thus, the Tibetan freedom struggle is not only an exemplary non-violent movement but is also a model for political moderation, democracy and the spirit of dialogue and reconciliation.

Tibetan resistance in Tibet remains strong

In March 2008, the third generation of Tibetans, born and grown up under Chinese Communist rule, rose up against the oppressive Chinese rule. Tibetans from all walks of life and across the entire Tibetan plateau demonstrated against the oppressive and discriminatory policies of the Chinese authorities in Tibet.  With full awareness of the imminent danger to their lives, young and old, men and women, monastic and lay people, believer and non-believers, including students, came together to spontaneously express their anguish, dissatisfaction and genuine grievances at the policies of the Chinese government.

Brutal crack-down of demonstrations in Tibet

Sadly, the Chinese authorities have resorted to brutal methods to deal with the situation in Tibet, despite appeals by many world leaders, NGOs and personalities of international standing to avoid violence and show restraint.  Today, in many parts of Tibet, there is a huge presence of armed police and military.  In many areas Tibetans continue to suffer under a state of de-facto martial law.  There is an atmosphere of angst and intimidation.  With no international observers, journalists or even tourists allowed into many parts of Tibet, the Chinese authorities have a completely free hand in Tibet.

A culture facing the threat of destruction

The effect of present policy in Tibet – whether deliberately or unintentionally – amounts to a cultural genocide.  The marginalization of the Tibetans and Tibetan way of life is taking place at an alarming pace.  “Development” is designed to assimilate Tibet into the Chinese society and culture and to overwhelm Tibetans demographically by transferring large number of Chinese to Tibet and reducing the local Tibetan population to an insignificant minority.  The Tibetan Buddhist religion, culture, language, identity and way of life are under threat of total destruction in Tibet.  There is, therefore, an urgent need for a strong signal by the international community to protect Tibet from this threat of cultural genocide.

Despair and frustration leading to self-immolations

The deteriorating situation in Tibet and the lack of any progress in the dialogue process with the Chinese government are deepening the sense of frustration and alienation among Tibetans.  Tension, restlessness and bitterness are on the increase among Tibetans.  The intransigence of the Chinese government on the issue of Tibet on the one hand and the absence of strong, visible and concrete support for Tibet by the international community on the other hand are causing despair and radicalism among Tibetans compelling them to acts of self-immolations.

Since February 2009, there have been 25 cases of self-immolations.  Alone in the past 12 months, 24 Tibetans resorted to this drastic act of political protest and 18 of them are believed to have died (updated as of 5 March 2012).

The Tibetan leadership in exile will continue to discourage such drastic acts of protest.  However, there is an urgent need for members of the international community to send a strong message of hope and solidarity to the Tibetans inside Tibet.  This will give them hope and inspiration in a situation of deep sense of frustration and despair and will help in persuading them to refrain from such acts of despair.

The European Union’s human rights dialogue with China

The European Parliament consistently expresses deep concern about the plight of the Tibetan people and encourages negotiations between the government of the PRC and His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives to resolve the issue of Tibet and it has adopted a number of significant resolutions to that effect.  However, despite the strong support for Tibet within the European Parliament, so far the initiatives on Tibet taken by the EU Council and Commission have been few and seem to lack a clear and sustained policy.  Today, it is clear and undeniable that raising the Tibet issue within the framework of the EU-China human rights dialogue alone has failed to bring any tangible results.  It is obvious that this approach is inadequate and does not do justice to the complexity of the Tibetan problem.  The human rights dialogue with China has failed to improve the human rights of the Tibetan people and has failed to achieve a constructive dialogue between His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives and the Chinese leadership.  Indeed, after the Olympic Games in Beijing in August 2008, the Chinese government’s repression in and attitude on Tibet has hardened significantly.

Time for a concerted international effort on Tibet

Against this background it is high time to act on Tibet.  It is of crucial importance to increase efforts to bring about a positive change in the situation of Tibet.

In this context it has been a tremendous encouragement for the Tibetan people, when in 1997 US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright announced the appointment of the first US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs.  The creation of this position has provided a focus for engaging with the US Administration on a breath of issues – humanitarian assistance, diplomatic support, multilateral strategies, sharing information and, ultimately, shaping policy.  It has ensured a significant level of attention to Tibet at the highest level of political interaction between the US and China.  Most importantly, the Office of the Tibet Coordinator provides the necessary impetus with the US Administration for a consistent US policy in promoting dialogue between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government.

A firm and consistent policy on Tibet makes progress

As a result President Obama and Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, have met with His Holiness the Dalai Lama in February 2010 and July 2011. President Obama expressed his strong support for the preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural, and linguistic identity, and the protection of human rights for the Tibetans in China. He commended the Dalai Lama’s “Middle-Way” approach, commitment to non-violence, and the pursuit of dialogue with the Chinese government. Moreover, President Obama has called both publicly and privately for substantive dialogue between the Dalai Lama’s representatives and the Chinese government. Similarly, Secretary Clinton and Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg have raised the issue of human rights in Tibet and the “need for China to have a deeper engagement with the Dalai Lama over Tibet within the framework of one-China-policy […]” on multiple occasions.

Since assuming her position as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues in October 2009, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, Maria Otero, has met His Holiness the Dalai Lama five times.  She travelled two times to India to meet and consult with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and members of the democratically elected Tibetan political leadership, and to visit Tibetan refugee settlements in order to assess the humanitarian needs of the refugee community as well as the requirements for the preservation of Tibetan culture, religion and language.  She also visited Nepal and inspected the Tibetan Refugee Reception Centre in Kathmandu, where new Tibetan refugees from Tibet are being registered and taken care. Moreover, Under Secretary Otero maintains close contact with the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama based in Washington D.C. on all issues concerning Tibet and the Tibetans.

Under Secretary Otero in her capacity as the US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues has been holding regular joint sessions with Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Kurt M. Campbell and with the White House National Security Council Senior Director for Asian Affairs, Jeffrey A. Bader and his successor Daniel R. Russel, and the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Lodi G. Gyari to discuss and coordinate all aspects of the US policy on Tibet.  Moreover, the US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues in cooperation with the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama has taken the initiative to invite the ambassadors of those governments interested in the issue of Tibet to working luncheons in order to share information and opinions, and discuss common efforts and approaches.

The appointment of a US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues and the adoption of the Tibetan Policy Act by the US Congress in 2002 and signed into law by President George W. Bush on September 30, 2002 have created a strong basis for a coherent, consistent and sustained US policy on Tibet.  This sends the right signal to the Chinese leadership that this issue will continue to remain an important agenda in the US-China relations unless and until China addresses it seriously and realistically.

This robust US policy on Tibet did not affect the Sino-US relation in any tangible way. In contrast to Europe the regular meetings of the US President and the Secretary of State with His Holiness the Dalai Lama result only in routine diplomatic protests.  This is a clear indication that the firm and consistent policy of US Administrations in succession on the issue of Tibet has led to the recognition and acceptance by Beijing that Tibet has high status in US-China bilateral relations and cannot be avoided.

A mandate from the citizens of Europe to act on Tibet

There is a need for a coordinated multilateral effort to bring about a change in the position and attitude of the Chinese leadership on the issue of Tibet.  The European Union is ideally suited to champion the peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem through dialogue and negotiations.  The Union has political weight and enjoys high international standing.  The European Parliament has called in numerous resolutions for strong and effective actions by the Union to ensure respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Tibetan people and to promote negotiations between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government.  In 1998, the European Parliament adopted a resolution calling on the Council to appoint an EU Special Representative for Tibet.  The European Parliament has reiterated this call for the appointment of an EU Special Representative for Tibet in successive resolutions adopted in 2002, 2007, 2008 and 2011.

The Tibetan cause has a strong base of support in Europe.  In almost every European country there exist Tibet support groups.  People throughout Europe feel deeply committed to the Tibetan cause as a matter of moral principle.  They welcome their governments taking initiatives to promote a just and peaceful solution to the Tibetan problem.  The widespread sympathy for Tibet among Europeans and the large number of resolutions on Tibet by the European Parliament present a clear mandate for the EU Council and Commission to take the initiative on Tibet and to appoint an EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs.

An EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs

The central objective of the EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs should be to promote substantive dialogue and negotiations between the Government of the PRC and His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives.  Towards this aim he or she should develop a new and more effective and consistent policy.  The EU Special Coordinator should maintain close contact with leaders of the Tibetan people and make efforts to travel to India, Tibet and to China.  The Special Coordinator should promote the EU policy pressing for respect for human rights and encouraging the preservation of and respect for the distinct culture, religion, language and identity of Tibet.  The Office of the EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs should also provide a focus for engaging with the Council, Commission, Parliament and the member states of the European Union on wide range of issues concerning the Tibetan people – from humanitarian and educational assistance, cultural preservation to information sharing, diplomatic support and multilateral strategies to shaping policy.

Concluding remarks

The appointment of an EU Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs is a crucial step for a sustained and effective role for the European Union to help to resolve the Tibetan problem peacefully.  This appointment will send a strong message of hope and solidarity to the Tibetans inside Tibet.  It demonstrates that the European Union has not forgotten the plight of the Tibetan people and that it has not abandoned them.  It will reflect the strong commitment of the EU to play a crucial and constructive role in resolving the issue of Tibet peacefully.

This appointment will be a great source of hope and inspiration and will go a long way in persuading Tibetans not to despair and not to resort to drastic acts of protest.  It is a strong gesture of concern, commitment and solidarity that will help in strengthening and sustaining the spirit and hope of the oppressed and persecuted Tibetans.

A peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue will not only bring great benefit to Tibet and China and enhance stability and peace in the region but will have great consequences for the global political culture, too.  The Tibetan freedom struggle has gained international fame in championing non-violence and democracy.  Consequently, the success or failure of the non-violent freedom struggle of the Tibetan people will directly impact the outcome of the international effort to promote and cultivate a global political culture based on non-violence, dialogue and democracy.


The Tibetan and Chinese Prime Ministers Address the Self-Immolations

The Tibetan and Chinese Prime Ministers Address the Self-Immolations

posted Feb 21, 2012 6:23 PM by The Tibetan Political Review

By the Editorial Board of The Tibetan Political Review

In a strange coincidence, February 14 saw articles on both Lobsang Sangay, the Tibetan prime minister in exile, and Wen Jiabao, the Chinese prime minister, making statements on the self-immolation crisis in Tibet.  We take a close look at how the words chosen by both prime ministers reveal insights into their approaches on the issue.
The Tibetan Prime Minister

According to AP’s report of its interview, the Tibetan prime minister spoke about how China has sealed off Tibet.  Sangay also described his view of why the self-immolations are taking place:

“You can’t have hunger strikes, you can’t have demonstrations, you can’t write petitions [in Tibet].  Given such repressive policies and actions, Tibetans are pushed to the brink of desperation. They are thinking that perhaps this form of action will bring some attention to the grievances of the Tibetan people.”

Essentially, Sangay explains the self-immolations as acts of “desperation” motivated by seeking global “attention”.  It is wonderful that Sangay’s interview was carried by AP, bringing prominent coverage to this issue of the sort that the previous Tibetan exiled prime minister probably would not have received.  At the same time, for two reasons, his interview contained statements which have implications that are unfortunate or potentially unhelpful.

First, it is detrimental to portray such utterly selfless acts of resistance as merely acts of “desperation”.**  Desperation necessarily comes from despair.  While it would be arrogant for anyone to presume to know what was in the minds of these courageous individuals, we do not hear desperation when listening to Lama Sopa’s recorded last words, a hauntingly powerful call for Tibetan nationhood.  We do not see desperation when Ani Palden Choetso calmly raised her hands in prayer as she was engulfed in flames.

In our view, therefore, the word “desperation” diminishes the deep sacrifice and meaning of these self-immolations.  It falsely turns a powerful act of Tibetan resistance into a sign of Tibetan despair and helplessness.  This goes to the question of whether Tibetans in Tibet are passive victims, or agents with the power to change their own destiny.  Certainly the Central Tibetan Administration must take care to not be seen as encouraging more self-immolations.  But just as certainly, it owes it to courageous Tibetans to respect rather than diminish their sacrifice.

Second, it seems simplistic to describe the self-immolations as motivated by seeking global “attention”.  Again, we do not presume to know the minds of those brave individuals.  However, based partly on our own direct and indirect contacts in Tibet, many Tibetans in Tibet have a sophisticated understanding that the “free world” will not ride to Tibet’s rescue.  In Tibet there are no cries of “U.N.O. we want justice”.

Under this more expansive view, the self-immolations may bring outside attention, but that is secondary.  Primarily, the self-immolations unify the Tibetan people, including those who were lulled into a false sense that the political status quo might be acceptable.  The self-immolations also drive home to the Chinese regime that the Tibetan people will not give in, and force the Chinese people to confront the reality that the Tibetan people are not Chinese, and never will be.  If these are the goals, then there is a powerful strategy at work.

These apparent goals are based on a more complete understanding of true front lines of the Tibet-China struggle.  These goals are also separate from raising global “attention”, which is important but completely inadequate to solve the core issue of Tibet.

The Chinese Prime Minister

Wen’s statement on the self-immolation crisis is mainly important because it is the highest-level Chinese statement on the issue to date.  He mostly stuck to the standard boilerplate, with statements like “We respect and protect Tibet’s ecological environment and traditional culture, respect and protect religious freedom in Tibet,” and that Tibet is an “inseparable part” of China which the government has made great efforts at developing.

Interestingly, however, Wen also stated that “Our Tibetan countrymen are an important part of China’s family of ethnic groups.  They are our brothers.”  This demands the question: Why did Wen feel it was necessary to make this defensive statement?

Note that Tibetans are “they”, in contrast to “our” which presumably refers to the Chinese people.  Even if, in Wen’s view, Tibetans “belong” to China, he does not portray them as really Chinese.  (See the discussion above regarding the self-immolations strategically driving this point home.)

Wen also purposely tries to limit the discussion to the immolation of “a small number of monks”, to reduce the measure of the crisis.  Setting aside his omission of nuns, former monks and former nuns who were part of the lay community, Wen also notably ignores the demonstrations in Yushul, Nangchen, Drango, and elsewhere, where hundreds if not thousands of lay Tibetans took to the streets in resistance.


Conclusion

Wen Jiabao’s attempt to minimize the self-immolation crisis in Tibet is unsurprising.  His attempt to cover up the extent of the resistance is to be expected, and not much more needs to be said on this.

As for Lobsang Sangay’s statement, the prime minister should be acknowledged for being far more active in public diplomacy than his predecessor.

However, we are disappointed that the prime minister raised only the goal of international “attention”, ignoring the far more significant strategic developments in strengthening Tibetan unity and forcing a shift in Chinese perceptions.  In this sense, the Tibetan people in Tibet are taking the lead, which we hope the Central Tibetan Administration will eventually follow for the good of the entire Tibetan movement.

Because of these significant strategic developments, we believe that the self-immolations should be portrayed, not as acts of helpless despair, but as courageous acts of active resistance.

For a more detailed look at the word “desperation”, see “Beacons of Resistance, not Desperate Acts” by Christophe Besuchet.

This article originally included a reference to a “February 3 self-immolation of three lay herders in Serthar”.  New information suggests that reporting of this event was incorrect, underscoring yet again the importance of opening Tibet to independent journalists and diplomats.

Interview: Robert Barnett on Why Tibetans Are Setting Themselves on Fire

Interview: Robert Barnett on Why Tibetans Are Setting Themselves on Fire

February 24th, 2012 by Alex Ortolani

Tibetans offer prayers near mock coffins to represent the victims self-immolation during a rally in Siliguri, in the Indian state of West Bengal, on February 8, 2012. China said February 7 it would ‘resolutely crack down’ on any attempts to instigate violence in Tibetan-inhabited areas, where authorities have launched a deadly clampdown on protesters. (Diptendu Dutta/AFP/Getty Images)

Earlier this week a Tibetan monk became at least the 22nd person in the past year to commit self-immolation in protest at the Chinese government’s rule in Tibet. Robert Barnett, Director of the Modern Tibet Studies Program at Columbia University, says this is a new type of political protest for Tibetans, one that looks like it may become an ongoing form of dissent if the Chinese government does not change some of its policies in the region.

Asia Blog spoke to Barnett by telephone.

Why are monks and nuns deciding to use this particular form of protest against the Chinese government?

The reasons why they have chosen this method of protest are not exactly clear. People inside Tibet, especially in rural areas, are sometimes able to get radio news in Tibetan from outside sources such as Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, but probably know little if anything about the Tunisian self-immolation last year, let alone the Vietnamese self-immolations 50 years ago. But they would have heard about the demonstrations that lead to the Arab Spring, and this might have encouraged people in a general way to see popular protest as a way to bring about change.

But they may be choosing this method of protest because in the previous cycle of unrest in Tibet in 2008, when there were about 150 street demonstrations by very large groups, about 20 of those incidents spiraled down into chaos and violence. The violence had allowed the Chinese government to avoid addressing the underlying issues and complaints of the protestors, and self-immolation may be seen as a way to avoid the downside of traditional large-scale street protests: it sends a message to the government in a way that the protestors hope will not be easy to brush aside because it does not do damage to other people or to property, and does not involve unrest.

Robert Barnett

The protests call in general for “freedom” and for the Dalai Lama to be allowed to return to Tibet. They seem to have been triggered by a dramatic turn in policy in 1994, when the Chinese state decided to focus above all on attacking the Dalai Lama by forcing monks and nuns to denounce him and greatly increasing regulations concerning monasteries and religion. This policy was first implemented in the Tibet Autonomous Region, which is the western half of the Tibetan plateau around Lhasa, but in the last 10 years it has been gradually imposed, monastery by monastery, across the eastern half of the plateau, where most Tibetans live and where the current protests are taking place. It includes re-education programs in the monasteries, bans on worship of the Dalai Lama, downgrading of the role of Tibetan language in schools, encouragement of migration into Tibetan areas, and other restrictions. No-one knows why they decided to extend this policy to the eastern Tibetan areas, since until then they had been quite relaxed and peaceful since the late 1970s.

Is there any tradition to this particular kind of protest in Buddhist culture?

The Chinese press has been arguing that these protests violate Buddhist principles and rules, but in fact they resonate strongly with Buddhist tradition. Suicide is shunned in Buddhism if carried out for personal reasons, but self-sacrifice for a noble cause is highly regarded. There are many stories about the Buddha doing this in former lives, most famously one in which he sacrifices himself by giving his body to a dying tigress so she can feed her cubs. So an act that is done for the good of the community is considered noble, and especially so if it is done by a member of the clergy.

It is because these acts have been done by monks, nuns or former monks, that it has been so hard for the Chinese government to discredit the protestors — it would be very different if lay people had been involved. The government had almost total success in discrediting five Chinese people, said by the government to be adherents of the Falun Gong sect, who staged a mass self-immolation in Beijing in 2001: the event was presented as proof that these people had been brainwashed and manipulated by the Falun Gong. But despite some tentative attempts by the Chinese press to do this with the Tibetan monks and nuns, these efforts have failed, largely because they are so widely respected within the Tibetan community.

Why can’t the two sides find common ground concerning Tibet’s governance?

One way to understand the Tibetan-Chinese issue is to look at the question of its status, whether it should be part of China, or, if it is a part of China, what degree of autonomy it should have. This is an issue that goes back at least 100 years, to when a Chinese army first tried to annex Tibet and to integrate it into China’s territory. It’s something that is likely to take a very long time to resolve.

But there is a second issue that is easy to confuse with the first, which are the policies that China has introduced more recently, especially the 1994 decision to declare the Dalai Lama an enemy, and other issues that were stepped up at the same time concerning reeducation, language use, and over-rapid economic development. There are more recent issues emerging now as well, especially environment-related issues such as the forced settlement of nomads and rampant mining. Because these secondary factors are not set in stone and are constantly taking new forms, they represent a kind of opportunity for China, one that they could compromise on fairly easily. If they did so, it would generate some relief and allow more time to try to sort out the primary issues concerning autonomy and status. There has been no sign of any movement so far even on these secondary issues. China has a weak, consensus-based and highly conservative leadership system, which makes it very difficult for the leaders to agree on a bold move concerning a core issue of national sovereignty and pride, so any concessions will be very small.

Is there an end in sight to these self-immolations?

China sees itself as having been consistently generous to Tibetans since at least the early 1980s because it has run large subsidy programs to boost economic development in Tibetan areas, and because it sees the protests as plots by the Dalai Lama or other exiles designed to “split” China by creating an independent Tibet. The exiles deny this but at the same time use very strong nationalist rhetoric, as one would expect. So, though a negotiated solution between the two leaderships can never be ruled out, it seems unlikely in the current climate.

Meanwhile, the eastern Tibetans whose anger has now been roused are resolute and strong-willed, with a long and bitter memory of various Chinese attacks on their areas and monasteries over the last century, and they are defending their core values. So the current tensions are not going to disappear without some concession from the Party. That concession would not have to be huge for people to decide not to kill themselves —Tibetans, even activists, inside Tibet are surprisingly moderate in most cases and generally pragmatic, so even a token gesture by the state would have significant impact. For example, the Party could stop forced political reeducation and it could stop its demonization campaign against the Dalai Lama — policies that it has not applied in inland China for decades — and it could regulate internal migration into Tibet as it does with Hong Kong. If they don’t do that these tensions will increase, and if more people get killed, things could spiral out of control and become very difficult to resolve in any meaningful way.

It was reported that in the latest self-immolation a thousand people surrounded the body to protect it from the police. Why might they do this?

In Tibetan culture, when someone dies you disturb the body as little as possible after death. Instead, special ceremonies and rituals are carried out in the hope that the consciousness will be calmed, giving it a better chance of a more beneficial rebirth. But as in any religion, there are many layers of explanation. For example, in general there is a view that it’s important to dispose of the body in an appropriate way, such as feeding it to birds or fish, since this is a kind of generosity, rather than the secular cremation method used by the Chinese state. In this case, these self-immolations are clearly seen by the local community not as a suicide by a desperate individual but as an act of dedication for the benefit of others, so local people would have wished to show respect to the dead person by ensuring that the appropriate rituals are carried out by the clergy. So there are many factors here besides the obvious objections to the confiscation by the police of the dead person’s body.