Kalon Tripa Calls for More Concrete Actions from Int’l Community on Tibet

9^th February 2012

DHARAMSHALA: Expressing grave concern over the well-being of Tibetans in Tibet in view of the Chinese military build-up in Tibet, Kalon Tripa has called for more substantive support from the world community to end the Chinese government’s repression in Tibet.

“Hundreds of convoys carrying Chinese military personnel with automatic machine guns are moving towards Tibet. We fear many Tibetans might face unfortunate experiences,” Kalon Tripa Dr Lobsang Sangay told hundreds of Tibetans and supporters gathered at a solidarity vigil in Dharamsala today.

“We really feel the Chinese government is preparing for something really tragic. Hence it is critical that the international community must intervene now to show support for Tibet and Tibetan people,” Dr Sangay said.

“The Tibetans in Tibet are giving up their lives because the occupation of Tibet and repressive policies of the Chinese government is unacceptable,” Kalon Tripa said.

“We really appreciate statements issued by different countries like the US and European countries. But we would like seek some more concrete actions to send delegates to Tibet to investigate the reality and the military build-up in Tibet, deaths and torture of Tibetans, and the reasons why there is repression, why Tibetans are

self-immolating,” Kalon Tripa added. He urged the US to pass the Senate resolution to show support to the Tibetan people.

Kalon Tripa urged the international media, including those working in China, to make more efforts to go to Tibet and objectively report why the Tibetans are self-immolating. “If the world media cannot go to Tibet, we never know what else is happening inside Tibetan areas, and how many more Tibetans are being killed and dying,” he added.

Kalon Tripa said the Chinese government’s response towards the Chinese people’s protest in Wukang in Guangdong province show the discrimination against the Tibetan people. He said Guangdong governor fired local communist party officials, gave powers to the protesting groups and addressed their grievances. “Whereas in Tibet, several hundred Tibetans gathered in Dragko area, but the Chinese police indiscriminately shot Tibetans and killed them. So, the world is watching that there is a blatant discrimination towards Tibetans because Chinese can protest, their grievances addressed, whereas Tibetans cannot protest,” Kalon Tripa said.

“If the Chinese government thinks the Tibet issue cannot solved through violence, force and intimidation, then it’s not going to happen because the Tibetan spirit is strong. The Tibetan spirit would remain strong until freedom is restored in Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama return to Tibet,” Kalon Tripa said.

“As we gathered in Dharamsala today, we can say with pride that we are joined by many others around the world from the US, Canada, France, England, eastern European countries, South Africa, South America and Asia with hundreds and thousands of Tibetans to show solidarity with Tibetans inside Tibet and to pray for those who have sacrificed their lives,” Kalon Tripa said.

“We will not let your voices go unheard, we will not let sacrifices go unattended,” Kalon Tripa told Tibetans living in Tibet.

Thousands of Tibetan and supporters took part in a prayer service at the Tsuglagkhang, the main temple, to show solidarity with the Tibetans in Tibet.

What fiture for the Sino-Tibetan Dailogue?

By the Editorial Board of The Tibetan Political Review

“What is the sound of one hand clapping?”  This Zen Buddhist koan is sometimes cited by those who follow the ups and downs – mostly downs – of the Sino-Tibetan dialogue.  The Tibetan side wants to negotiate a political resolution; the Chinese side either refuses to discuss anything beyond the personal status of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, or refuses to even acknowledge that there is a dialogue.

Now, there are two questions of new urgency that Tibetans must address in relation to the future of this dialogue.  First, Tibetans must clarify internally who will decide Tibetan policy on the dialogue process and control the envoys.  Second, Tibetans must decide how to respond externally to China’s growing intransigence in restarting talks.

The first question is illustrated by a November 2011 statement by Lodi Gyari, the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.  The second question is illustrated by some December 2011 statements by Zhu Weiqun, the Communist Party official responsible for the Tibet talks.

Besides these two main topics, the end of this editorial has some new questions for future consideration by the Tibetan people.

Tibetans’ Internal Question: Who Decides, Who Controls?

Gyari’s November 11 statement declared:

“With the changes in the CTA’s structure, the Kashag [Cabinet] informed me in May 2011 of its intention to appoint me to a position under it…  I responded by reminding the Kashag that I had retired from the CTA civil service long time back…  Following the recent changes in the governance system, I have ceased any involvement with issues relating to the Central Tibetan Administration.”

While this may seem out of the blue, it followed the devolution of power from His Holiness to an elected leadership.  Gyari noted that with the devolution, he could no longer operate as essentially the CTA’s envoy as well as His Holiness’s.  (This problem would have been prevented if His Holiness had remained ceremonial head of state as advocated by some.)

A close reading of Gyari’s statement also suggests that his position as Special Envoy did not automatically end when His Holiness devolved his powers.  Legally, this may be a solid argument.  Gyari was appointed as His Holiness’s envoy in the early 1990s through the then-proper procedure, i.e. nomination by the Kashag and formal appointment by His Holiness.  His Holiness remains His Holiness.  Thus, Gyari’s term as Special Envoy arguably continues until his resignation or removal by His Holiness.

1. What Went On?

The Kashag’s May 14, 2011 statement, to which Gyari refers, announced that Gyari and his colleague Kelsang Gyaltsen “will hold their posts until further notice.”  The Kashag’s announcement took for granted that it has the power to appoint (or dismiss) Gyari.

Gyari’s response apparently was to “remind” the Kashag that it had no such power over his position.  However, it is also important to note that this reminder was apparently delivered in private, as implied by a close reading of Gyari’s statement.  Gyari did not say anything publicly until November 11.

On August 8, Lobsang Sangay formally took the reigns as Prime Minister of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.  During his first press conference that same day , he declared, “We will appoint an envoy in the name of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and send him or her to Beijing to talk about the substantive issues.”  Thus, it was announced in a prominent public forum that Sangay intended to appoint an envoy (presumably but not necessarily Gyari) who would wear two “hats”: one as the CTA’s envoy, and one as His Holiness’s envoy.

On October 13, Sangay further stated his “firm commitment in finding a mutually acceptable solution in the spirit of the Middle-Way Approach.  I have therefore asked the two envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to make efforts to resume the dialogue at the earliest convenience.”

Gyari’s statement came on November 11.  Essentially, he declared that he does not work for the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

2. What Now?

We believe that the elected Tibetan leadership should be in charge of the dialogue process to the maximum extent possible.  The leadership has the popular mandate from the electorate, and they also can be held accountable for the success or shortcomings of their policy.  The problem comes with defining what is the “maximum extent possible”.

In an ideal world, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile would decide dialogue policy, and would appoint and instruct the representatives to any talks that take place.  However, this is not an ideal world.

The reason is that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) categorically refuses to talk with Tibet’s exiled government.  (Note: the Tibetan dialogue is with the United Front Work Department of the CCP, not the Chinese government.  The CCP also has a Tibet Work Coordination Group where the United Front has a major voice.)  Simply put, the CCP is afraid of implying any sort of legitimacy for the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, because it knows that its own rule over Tibet comes only through force.  Tibetans should always be mindful that the real cause of the democratic deficit in the dialogue process is the CCP’s immature and intransigent attitude, not any power contest internal to the Tibetan side.

It is also important to note that the formal policy of the U.S. government is also to support negotiation between Beijing and “the Dalai Lama or his representatives”.  Because the U.S. executive branch does not recognize the exiled Tibetan government, it acknowledges no Tibetan government role in the Sino-Tibetan dialogue.

A. Who Decides the Dialogue Policy?

From an internal Tibetan perspective, there may be a cooperative solution to these non-ideal circumstances.  The exiled administration will recognize that His Holiness retains unparalleled devotion inside Tibet, and the CCP will only talk (if at all) with His Holiness’s envoys.  Yet at the same time, the elected Tibetan leadership holds the popular electoral mandate, and is the legal continuity of the sovereign government of Tibet.

Thus, at the level of deciding dialogue policy behind closed doors, it makes sense for the exiled leadership to informally coordinate with Gyari and other officers in the Ganden Phodrang Trust (previously called His Holiness’s Private Office).  This may already occur through the mechanism of the Task Force, though we have no inside information.

The parties involved might consider refraining from public statements about who is in charge.  This admittedly hurts democratic accountability, and maybe pride, but it might be the price of dealing with an anti-democratic CCP.

B. Who Controls the Envoys?

The next question is: who should have the power to appoint and direct the envoys?  When the exiled government insisted that it controls the envoys, it asserted itself as the legitimate representative of the Tibetan people.  The danger, however, is that the CCP will seize on the excuse to petulantly reject all further talks.  Indeed, it is our speculation that Gyari’s November 11 statement sought to repair some damage by refuting the exiled leadership’s assertions of control.

Now, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile must choose a better balance between principle and pragmatic flexibility.  It could continue to claim power over the envoys, resulting in a deadlock, or it could embrace flexibility, potentially opening up diplomatic possibilities (but with an opponent who states that it is unwilling to discuss anything of substance).

Specifically with respect to Gyari, the exiled government must also make a decision.  It can continue to claim power over his position or perhaps state that Gyari is only His Holiness’s private envoy, competent to discuss only issues related to His Holiness.  Or alternatively, it can alter its position and acknowledge Gyari as His Holiness’s envoy, who is also competent to represent the Tibetan side in any dialogue, with no public role for the exiled government.

If the exiled government takes a more flexible route, this would not mean it renounces its claim to be the legitimate representative of the Tibetan people.  It would be entirely appropriate for the government to ask His Holiness and his envoys to take on the formal role of representing the Tibetan people in dialogue with the CCP.  Other governments have turned to distinguished persons to resolve conflicts.  As stated above, the exiled government could continue to quietly consult with His Holiness’s envoys behind closed doors, and devote its public energies to the equally vital task of domestic improvement and societal resource-building.

From the constitutional perspective, the Tibetan Charter is notably unclear as to whether the Kashag has a role in the appointment of the next Special Envoy of His Holiness (note again that Gyari’s role probably continues until his resignation or removal).  The amended Article 1(3) gives His Holiness the right to “give the title/position of envoy of His Holiness to the Kashag-appointed Office of Tibet Representatives/Envoys and Special Envoys.”  From the Tibetan text, it is unclear whether it is only an Office of Tibet Representative who is “Kashag-appointed”, or also a Special Envoy: kashag gyis bsko-‘dzugs byes-pai’ sku-tsab don-chod dang dmigs-sel sku-tsab.  Depending on whether or not the ambiguous language was intentional, this clause’s drafting was either masterful or negligent.  In any case, the Charter is not much help in resolving this question.

The overall choice between principle and flexibility, deadlock and pseudo-dialogue, is one that the Tibetan people should carefully consider.  This much is clear: if the Tibetan people want to seek dialogue with the CCP, it will likely be fatal for the exiled government to continue to claim to be in charge.  Whether the Tibetan people decide that it is worth this price is another question, for the sake of a dialogue that may or may not happen, and which may or may not go anywhere.  There is no easy answer for a people who have compromised and given up so much already, and for whom dialogue may hold out only a thin hope, one that has been dashed so many times before.

Tibetans’ External Question: How to Respond to China?

As if the dialogue process were not hard enough, the Tibetan people face an opponent who has repeatedly claimed that it is uninterested in talking (ideal for establishing a strong bargaining position).  The Chinese side is led by a Communist Party official named Zhu Weiqun (vice-director of the CCP’s United Front Work Department).

Comrade Zhu has recently made some rather acerbic and inflammatory statements, which is what one would expect from scorched-earth Chinese negotiating tactics.  Indeed, it is perhaps unsurprising that he uses the language of a leftist hack, since so far it has worked.  To date it has been the Tibetan side that has given all the concessions, which strengthens the Chinese position and weakens the exiled Tibetan government in its domestic constituency.  Presumably, Comrade Zhu has enjoyed some bureaucratic rewards for that.

In relation to the self-immolation crisis in Tibet, Comrade Zhu noted in December that “I can honestly say to our friends that even if such a thing happens again, the direction of the Chinese government’s policies in Tibet and our attitude toward the Dalai clique’s struggle will not change in any way.”

He declared categorically that China would never speak with the CTA, arguing that it “lacked legality”.  He also blamed “interference” by the Kalon Tripa for the failure of the talks to restart, likely referring to the envoy issue.

Speaking to European Parliament members in December, Comrade Zhu complained about Europeans being willing “to accept what the Dalai Lama says rather than what we are saying”.  However, in a comment lacking any sense of civility, he stated that there is “little we can do to change this mentality but the thing I would say is that time is on our side.”

So how should the Tibetan side respond to a dialogue “partner” who declares that his side will never change their policy, will never talk with the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, and intends to simply outlive His Holiness?

This is a discussion the Tibetan people should have. Among the related questions that need asking:

• Should Tibetans carry on as before, asking the CCP to restart talks led by Comrade Zhu?  One should doubt the prospects for a negotiated solution under Comrade Zhu.  A Canadian intelligence commentary calls United Front work “China’s version of psychological warfare”: it serves to co-opt non-Communist leaders and use them to neutralize CCP critics, including among ethnic and religious groups.  The Tibetan envoy is currently faced with the near-impossible task of seeking modification of the very “ethnic” policies designed by the United Front itself.  Presumably, any United Front official concerned about his career would not repudiate his department’s own work.  From the perspective of bureaucratic interest, there is a problem expecting the “anti-splittist” bureaucracy to resolve the very issue that its power and resources are based upon.  On the contrary, Comrade Zhu’s interest is likely in fulfilling his mission to protect the Party, guarding his department’s policy decisions and bureaucratic prerogatives, and advancing his career, not in solving a larger problem in the interests of the Chinese and Tibetan people.
• Should Tibetans push for a good-faith (or less bad-faith) dialogue partner other than Comrade Zhu, perhaps someone in the CCP Politburo Standing Committee or the government’s State Council?  The CCP’s United Front department has historically dealt with Hong Kong and Taiwan, but China’s State Council also formally or informally has offices that manage relations with those territories.  Couldn’t there be a similar State Council office to institutionalize the Tibet dialogue and transfer the process away from the very department who bureaucratically benefits from continuing the “anti-splittist” crusade: i.e. the leftist United Front department?  For Tibet, whether this unlikely change becomes possible may indicate how serious the Chinese side is about actually resolving the issue.
• Should Tibetans say “we tried”, and state that they remain open to dialogue but that the Chinese side is unwilling to reciprocate?  By honestly acknowledging the impasse, would this open up the discussion to considering other options, including reasserting Tibet’s claim to sovereignty and independence for a reinvigorated long-term freedom struggle?  Certainly, the experiences of numerous countries like Lithuania and East Timor serve to remind that all empires crumble, and there are many ways for small colonized nations to lay the groundwork to seize such an opportunity if they wish.
• Should Tibetans consider a really “outside the box” idea?  What about accepting a division between the questions of His Holiness’s personal status and the political situation in Tibet?  Previously, His Holiness has always stated that the real issue is the 6 million Tibetan people, which the Chinese side always rejected.  With the devolution of power, the responsibility for the 6 million Tibetan people primarily rests with the Tibetan Government-in-Exile (though His Holiness remains the spiritual leader and source of refuge).  Now, with the exiled government carrying on the political struggle, is His Holiness free to consider under what circumstances he would be willing to return to Tibet, separate from the issue of reaching a permanent political solution?  Since the CCP says they will only discuss His Holiness’s status and return, how would the dynamics change if His Holiness’s reply as a private citizen was to take China up on its offer?

Conclusion

Certainly, there are sensitive issues involved here, and officials in the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and Ganden Phodrang Trust will (or should) speak cautiously.  However, nothing should stop the Tibetan people from debating this topic, since the dialogue process is carried out from the Tibetan side in their name.

The Taiwanese experience shows that democratic debate is possible even on “sensitive” issues dealing with China.  Taiwan and China have developed the so-called “1992 Consensus”, which sidesteps (some would say obscures) the dispute by allowing both sides to pretend that they are the “real” China.  Neither government will admit openly that this is a bit of a word game, but the Taiwan-China agreement works even with open discussion and criticism by the Taiwanese people.  Indeed, the journal Foreign Affairs even reports that Taiwanese officials “privately acknowledge the absurdity” of the consensus, which is a “kind of mantra the Taiwanese government must chant in order to have good relations with China”.  Surely, there is a lesson somewhere in there.

In the Tibetan case, this editorial doesn’t claim to have any answers, and merely poses some questions that we believe are important to ask.  Furthermore, we take no position on what outcomes we support.  Instead, we have tried our best to present the issues as we see them, and their logical consequences, based on publicly-available information.  These are difficult issues requiring sustained democratic discussion by the Tibetan people.  Hopefully at the end of this discussion lies a better policy and a stronger democracy.

Statement by Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the recent killings of Tibetans by the P. R. China’s government

As Chinese everywhere were celebrating the first couple of days of  the Year of Dragon on January 23rd and 24th, 2012. Chinese police fired indiscriminately on hundreds of Tibetans who had gathered peacefully to claim their basic rights in Drakgo, Serthar, Ngaba, Gyarong, and other neighboring Tibetan areas. Six Tibetans were reportedly killed and around sixty injured, some critically.

Because of gruesome acts such as these and the systematic repression of Tibetans, the resentment and anger amongst Tibetans against Chinese government has only grown since the massive uprising of 2008.

Ever since the invasion of Tibet, the Chinese government has claimed that it seeks to create a socialist paradise. However, basic human rights are being denied to Tibetans, the fragile environment is being destroyed, Tibetan language and culture is being assimilated, portraits of His Holiness the Dalai Lama are banned, and Tibetans are being economically marginalized. Tibet is in virtual lockdown. Foreigners have been barred from travelling to Tibet now and the entire region is essentially under undeclared martial law.

I urge the Chinese leadership to heed the cries of the Tibetan protestors and those who have committed self-immolation. You will never address the genuine grievances of Tibetans and restore stability in Tibet through violence and killing. The only way to resolve the Tibet issue and bring about lasting peace is by respecting the rights of the Tibetan people and through dialogue. As someone deeply committed to peaceful dialogue, the use of violence against Tibetans is unacceptable and must be strongly condemned by all people in China and around the world.

I call on the international community to show solidarity and to raise your voices in support of the fundamental rights of the Tibetan people at this critical time. I request that the international community and the United Nations send a fact-finding delegation to Tibet and that the world media be given access to the region as well. The leaders in Beijing must know that killing its own “family members” is in clear violation of international and Chinese laws, and such actions will cast further doubts on China’s moral legitimacy and their standing in world affairs.

I want to tell my dear brothers and sisters inside Tibet that we hear your cries loud and clear. We urge you not to despair and refrain from extreme measures. We feel your pain and will not allow the sacrifices you have made go in vain. You all are in our heart and prayers each and every day.

To my fellow Tibetans, I request you not to celebrate Losar (Tibetan New Year), which falls on February 22 this year. However, please observe the basic customary religious rituals such as going to temple, burning incense and making traditional offerings.

To demonstrate our solidarity with Tibetans in Tibet, I urge Tibetans and our friends around the world, to participate in a worldwide vigil on Wednesday, February 8, 2012. Let’s send a loud and clear message to the Chinese government that violence and killing of innocent Tibetans is unacceptable! I request everyone to conduct these vigils peacefully, in accordance with the laws of your country, and with dignity.

A video message of this statement is available with the following link: www.tibetonline.tv.

Statement by Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay on the recent killings of Tibetans by the P. R. China’s government

As Chinese everywhere were celebrating the first couple of days of  the Year of Dragon on January 23rd and 24th, 2012. Chinese police fired indiscriminately on hundreds of Tibetans who had gathered peacefully to claim their basic rights in Drakgo, Serthar, Ngaba, Gyarong, and other neighboring Tibetan areas. Six Tibetans were reportedly killed and around sixty injured, some critically.

Because of gruesome acts such as these and the systematic repression of Tibetans, the resentment and anger amongst Tibetans against Chinese government has only grown since the massive uprising of 2008.

Ever since the invasion of Tibet, the Chinese government has claimed that it seeks to create a socialist paradise. However, basic human rights are being denied to Tibetans, the fragile environment is being destroyed, Tibetan language and culture is being assimilated, portraits of His Holiness the Dalai Lama are banned, and Tibetans are being economically marginalized. Tibet is in virtual lockdown. Foreigners have been barred from travelling to Tibet now and the entire region is essentially under undeclared martial law.

I urge the Chinese leadership to heed the cries of the Tibetan protestors and those who have committed self-immolation. You will never address the genuine grievances of Tibetans and restore stability in Tibet through violence and killing. The only way to resolve the Tibet issue and bring about lasting peace is by respecting the rights of the Tibetan people and through dialogue. As someone deeply committed to peaceful dialogue, the use of violence against Tibetans is unacceptable and must be strongly condemned by all people in China and around the world.

I call on the international community to show solidarity and to raise your voices in support of the fundamental rights of the Tibetan people at this critical time. I request that the international community and the United Nations send a fact-finding delegation to Tibet and that the world media be given access to the region as well. The leaders in Beijing must know that killing its own “family members” is in clear violation of international and Chinese laws, and such actions will cast further doubts on China’s moral legitimacy and their standing in world affairs.

I want to tell my dear brothers and sisters inside Tibet that we hear your cries loud and clear. We urge you not to despair and refrain from extreme measures. We feel your pain and will not allow the sacrifices you have made go in vain. You all are in our heart and prayers each and every day.

To my fellow Tibetans, I request you not to celebrate Losar (Tibetan New Year), which falls on February 22 this year. However, please observe the basic customary religious rituals such as going to temple, burning incense and making traditional offerings.

To demonstrate our solidarity with Tibetans in Tibet, I urge Tibetans and our friends around the world, to participate in a worldwide vigil on Wednesday, February 8, 2012. Let’s send a loud and clear message to the Chinese government that violence and killing of innocent Tibetans is unacceptable! I request everyone to conduct these vigils peacefully, in accordance with the laws of your country, and with dignity.

A video message of this statement is available with the following link: www.tibetonline.tv.

Tibetans Returning to Tibet Stopped and Searched

DHARAMSHALA: Thousands of Tibetan devotees returning to Tibet after the Kalachakra initiations are being arbitrarily stopped and searched, reports coming from Tibet says.

Some twelve heavy security checkpoints have been placed from Zhangmu at the Nepal-Tibet border till Lhasa. Extra units of personnel from the Public Security Bureau were posted to stop and search Tibetan devotees returning to Tibet from India through Nepal.

Medicines and religious artifacts brought by the Tibetan devotees from their pilgrimage are being forcefully confiscated. Even  rosaries which is carried by almost every Tibetan are being snatched away, a source said.

It is also reported that the Chinese security guards resort to verbal abuse and physical threats when asked about reasons for frisking them without any official warrants.

Around 8000 Tibetans from Tibet had come to India to attend the recently concluded Kalachakra initiations by His Holiness the Dalai Lama at Bodh Gaya.

China to again close Tibet during sensitive period

By CHRISTOPHER BODEEN, Associated Press

19th January 2012

BEIJING – For a fifth straight year, China plans to close Tibet to foreign travelers during a sensitive period starting in mid-February, travel agents said Thursday.

Agent Yu Zhi of the Lhasa Youth Tourist Agency said Thursday the government’s tourist administration in Tibet’s capital had informed agents that foreign travelers would be banned from Feb. 20 to March 30.

Another agent with the China International Travel Agency in Lhasa, who wouldn’t give her name, said she’d been told the ban would end March 20.

The periodic closure of the Himalayan region encompasses the Feb. 22-24 Tibetan new year festival of Losar as well as the anniversary of a deadly anti-government riot among Tibetans on March 14, 2008.

Tensions are especially high this year following the self-immolations of at least 16 Buddhist monks, nuns and other Tibetans. Most have chanted for Tibetan freedom and the return of their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, who fled to India amid an abortive uprising against Chinese rule in 1959.

While authorities have never explained the rational behind the annual closure, it’s seen as a standard measure based on the assumption that outsiders could either inspire or witness renewed anti-government protests or other conflicts. “We haven’t seen a written notice, but it’s the same as previous bans. We were not told about the reasons, but it’s probably because of the Tibetan new  year,” said Yu, the Lhasa agent. In addition to the coming closure of Tibet proper, traditionally Tibetan areas of Sichuan province and other parts of western China where most of the self-immolations have taken place have been closed to outsiders for months amid a massive security presence.

A clerk with the Lhasa Tourist Bureau denied there was a ban, but declined give her name. Chinese officials often issue orders regarding sensitive political issues only verbally to allow deniability and maintain the impression of control.

Although Chinese citizens are generally exempt from such closure orders, they have dented China’s hopes to develop tourism into a major economic driver in one of the country’s poorest regions. Many Tibetans resent Beijing’s heavy-handed rule and large-scale migration of China’s ethnic Han majority to the Himalayan region. While China claims Tibet has been under its rule for centuries, many Tibetans say the region was functionally independent for most of that time.

Chinese Propaganda and the Tibetan Self Immolations

Bhuchung K. Tsering

http://weblog.savetibet.org

January 12, 2012

When a dog is cornered it tends to bark ridiculously. I was reminded of this when reading the Global Times editorial of January 11, 2012 concerning another three Tibetans who have committed self-immolations in recent days. How else can we interpret its effort to blatantly ignore the real cause of the self-immolations by Tibetans by questioning their power of judgment and virtually calling them tools of the West?

Global Times, which “dares to touch the sensitive issues,” is surpassing the official Chinese propaganda in its effort to divert blames for the Tibetan self immolations being put rightly on the policies of the Chinese authorities. I would have thought Global Times would have shown its daringness by going deeper and objectively into the causes leading to the Tibetan self-immolations, something like those Chinese Lawyers who did a report about the 2008 Tibet-wide protests. Even a person with little or no education would know that no one commits such extreme actions for the pleasure of it. Blaming outside forces for interfering in China’s “domestic affairs” is just an easy excuse and merely sweeps the problem under the carpet without addressing it.

On November 30, 2011, Chinese Ambassador to the UN, Li Baodong, made a statement at the 66th Session of the General Assembly on Review of the Middle East Situation and Palestinian Issue” saying, “ China  has all along supported the Palestinian people in their just cause to restore the lawful rights of the nation.” China did not think it was interfering in the domestic affairs of others here.  However, if Global Times does not want outsiders raising questions about developments in Tibet , why is it not using its daringness to look at the concerns of the Tibetan people? I know what the answer would be, but I wanted to say this to keep up with the pretence that the Global Times is different from the People’s Daily.

Here I am reminded about how Global Times covered the Chinese police action against Uyghurs on December 28, 2011 leading to the death of some and the detention of five children.  Amnesty International, in a statement on January 6, challenges the version published by Global Times and the Chinese Government. “The official explanation that people were killed because they ‘resisted arrest’ doesn’t answer how seven people ended up being shot dead, and a number of others injured,” said Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International’s Director for the Asia-Pacific.  Amnesty has said that “The Chinese authorities must reveal the whereabouts of up to five Uighur children reportedly detained” and Global Times should use its daringness to question the Chinese Government on this.

Coming back to the Tibetan issue, I do not think Global Times has to go far in searching for topics if it has the courage to address the sensitive Tibetan issue.  It could look at its own editorial, referred to above, and I can find at least two points that could be addressed.

Global Times said, “It is cruel to put political pressure on young Tibetan monks.” While it mentions this in the context of the “Dalai group” (whatever this may mean), I challenge it to look at the Chinese Government’s policies over Tibetan monasteries, from the most recent regulations on recognition of reincarnations to the denial of freedom to undertake daily and traditional religious activities, both the ritual and the philosophy aspect of it, that are putting not just political, but emotional, physical and even social pressures on Tibetan monks, both young and old. That will be something writing to the Party about.

Similarly, the Global Times concludes, “As time goes by, the believers of Tibetan Buddhism will finally know the Dalai Lama’s true intentions.” I wish they really mean this in its true sense and followed up with articles that will enlighten the Chinese minds. This is because the H.H. the Dalai Lama’s “true intentions” have been known to Tibetans throughout Tibetan history and it is this that has resulted in the special bond between him and the Tibetan people. It is this knowledge that is also leading to increasing admiration and reverence for him by people throughout the world.  The Dalai Lama has gotten these not from spending millions of dollars in soft power diplomacy, as some countries do, but through the simple and positive messages that he conveys.

To conclude, While I would concur with Global Times that “ China’s Tibetan region has been affected by outrageous political influences,” I do not think it is happening “under the name of religion.” Rather, it comes from a Chinese leadership that is giving the Tibetan people an outrageous choice of choosing between the Communist Party and the Dalai Lama (in the process not being able to face with the Tibetan people’s choice).

Resistance on Tibet Worries China

By BRIAN SPEGELE, Wall Street Journal

ASIA NEWS, JANUARY 9, 2012

DAOFU, China-Shortly after Palden Choetso doused herself in gasoline, gulped several mouthfuls, and set herself ablaze in November, friends ofthe Tibetan nun found a list of names pinned above her bed in the small, wooden hut where she lived.

The 35-year-old nun at the Gaden Choeling nunnery was compiling a tally of Tibetans who had set themselves on fire, all in the same corner of western Sichuan province, in protest of China’s policies in the region-adjacent to the Tibet Autonomous Region and heavily populated by ethnic Tibetans. Among the names was Tsewang Norbu, a 29-year-old monk at the local Nyitso monastery.

The self-immolations returned to the headlines this weekend as China’s state-run Xinhua news agency reported Saturday that a former monk had died and another was injured after they set themselves on fire in Sichuan. Xinhua said the men were former monks from Kirti monastery, another center of Tibetan political activism that has come under siege from police in recent months.

Their acts bring the number of ethnic Tibetans known to have self-immolated in Sichuan since March to 13, at least seven of whom have died, according to accounts in Chinese state media and by international rights groups. Another Tibetan has also burned himself to death in Tibet itself.

On Sunday, a separate Xinhua article, which made no mention of the self-immolations, said that senior Tibet officials pledged stepped-up efforts to strengthen the management of monasteries, saying that promoting harmony in Tibet is a top priority because it concerns the stability of the nation.

The unprecedented wave of self-immolations represents a new challenge both to Chinese authorities-by drawing attention to dissent in the area-and to the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual leader, who doesn’t want to be seen as encouraging such gestures.

The self-immolations come just as Beijing has launched a nationwide crackdown on religious activity in recent months, and is reminding Communist Party members they aren’t allowed to worship. Religious experts say Buddhism and Christianity in particular have grown in popularity among party officials in recent years, a trend the government fears could one day subvert their faith in the party’s supremacy. Most of the self-immolators are young, part of a new generation of Tibetans who revere the Dalai Lama but whose actions conflict with his advocacy of peaceful protests. The Dalai Lama does not condone suicide.

The Chinese government has long spurned direct contact with the Dalai Lama, despite the appeals of exiled Tibetans, some world leaders and even a few liberal Chinese scholars who believe he may be Beijing’s best hope to help pacify the vast Tibetan regions of western China. The Dalai Lama is 76 years old: After him, many have warned, young Tibetans may beattracted by more extreme forms of protest.

Analysts say that rising desperation over government restrictions on religious activity is already pushing the resistance in a new direction.

In the town of Daofu, where Ms. Palden and Mr. Tsewang self-immolated, they have become martyrs to some. Their photographs are displayed in Daofu’s mud-brick homes. A video circulating on the Internet shows Ms. Palden’s body engulfed in flames, and as she struggles to stay upright, a young woman runs toward her and casts a white scarf at her feet in a gesture of respect.

Tibetans living in Sichuan face higher levels of detention than Tibetans in any other area, including Tibet itself, according to the U.S. government’s Congressional-Executive Commission on China, set up to monitor human rights in China. In a December report, it said that since protests swept the Tibetan plateau in 2008 Beijing has stepped up its campaign against the Dalai Lama as well as measures that “intrude upon and micromanage Tibetan Buddhist monastic affairs,” such as “legal-education” programs for monks and nuns.

Government officials in Daofu haven’t responded to requests to comment on the self-immolations, or on events leading up to them. However, China’s state-run media has repeatedly accused the Dalai Lama of inciting the acts.

“People are repulsed and angered by the masterminds, supporters and eulogists of the self-immolations, as they feel sad and sorry for the loss of young lives,” wrote Zhang Yun, a researcher with the state-backed China Tibetology Research Center, in a commentary published last month by the state-run Xinhua news agency.

A thwarted birthday celebration for the Dalai Lama in July was a defining event in the final months of the lives of Ms. Palden and Mr. Tsewang, according to detailed accounts by several participants.

Just after 2 a.m. on July 6, monks and nuns from Daofu set off to climb a nearby hill as they had in years past to celebrate the Dalai Lama’s birthday and other holidays. They hoped the darkness would shield them from police, but soon security forces surrounded the group and ordered them to turn back at gunpoint.

As punishment, local officials cut off water and electricity supplies to Nyitso monastery and electricity to Gaden Choeling convent, which has its own water supply.

Experts say the reported reprisals fit into a pattern. “We seem to be seeing new tactics toward certain monasteries in these areas,” said Robert Barnett, an expert on modern Tibet at Columbia University in New York. “These seem to be control measures, stranglehold measures, to break resolve or spirit or collective force.”

In pictures, Mr. Tsewang doesn’t fit the stereotype of a Tibetan monk. He favored aviator sunglasses and had a considerable girth about him. “He loved the monastery. He loved Buddhism,” said a Nyitso leader. “He didn’t love China.”

Mr. Tsewang set himself on fire in August. A woman on the third floor of a building along Daofu’s main road shot photos of his death with her husband’s cellphone, and keeps the memory card hidden in a jewelry box. The photos show Mr. Tsewang’s charred body, his hand clasped as if in prayer.

Tibetan residents, armed with stones, formed a circle around his charred corpse and refused to let police take it away, according to Tibetans in Daofu. They later carried it up to Nyitso.

Several months after Mr. Tsewang’s death, Ms. Palden asked for a few days sick leave from the nunnery to return home.

Her fellow nuns, who say Ms. Palden loved to sing and often serenaded them with Tibetan folk songs of the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet, describe how she had sunk into despondency. On the morning of Nov. 3, she asked her younger sister to go with her to the hospital. They caught a cab into town. Ms. Palden Choetso asked the driver to stop.

“Wait here a minute,” she told her sister, according to the monks and nuns who knew Ms. Palden.

She walked along the town’s main road and doused herself in gasoline, close to the spot where Mr. Tsewang took his life. “Long live the Dalai Lama,” she screamed as flames towered over her head.

The immolations have again spurred calls for talks with Beijing by supporters of the Dalai Lama, who are struggling to find a way to keep the Tibetan movement unified after he passes away.

“It’s important to meet and find ways and means to defuse the very tense situation inside Tibet,” said Kelsang Gyaltsen, a senior official with the Tibetan government-in-exile. He was speaking during a visit by the Dalai Lama to Prague in December.

These younger “generations of Tibetans are much more politically conscious and assertive,” he added. They are “much more inclined to express their resentment and genuine grievances through public protests.”

High-tech surveillance equipment around the Nyitso monastery, a set of buildings surrounding a courtyard, highlights the constant presence of the Chinese state. Nyitso’s leaders avoid stepping into the courtyard, instead huddling against its walls for privacy. “They can see us so clearly,” said a Nyitso leader, gesturing across the street where police have erected a camera to spy on Nyitso’s 250 monks. More cameras line the streets outside the monastery’s gates, which Tibetans say were all installed after the 2008 protests.

Inside Nyitso’s main gathering hall, photos of Mr. Tsewang and Ms. Palden are displayed in memorials. In the days following Ms. Palden’s death, Gaden Choeling’s nuns found her list of names on a piece of notepaper. At the bottom of the page, one of them added Ms. Palden’s name and the date of her death. Then she pinned it back above the bed.

CTA Urges Chinese Govt to Ensure Safety of Tibetan Students in China

DHARAMSHALA: The Central Tibetan Administration said it is deeply  disturbed and concerned by recent reports of confrontations between  Tibetan and Chinese students at a school in Chengdu, which led to  several Tibetans being hospitalised after they were beaten by an  overwhelming number of Chinese students.

“The Central Tibetan Administration is deeply disturbed and  concerned by news of confrontations, on  December 14th 2011, between  Tibetan and Chinese students at the Railway Engineering School in  Chengdu, the provincial capital of Sichuan,” Information &  International Relations Kalon Dicki Chhoyang told Tibetan reporters  today.

“About 3,000 Chinese students are reported to have entered into a  fight with a few hundred Tibetan students. Several Tibetan students  are said to have been hospitalized due to injuries,” the DIIR kalon  said.

Kalon Dicki Chhoyang expressed concern over similar reports of  tensions between Tibetan and Chinese students in the Chengdu area  in 2010, when a Tibetan student named Pasang was stabbed to death  at the Light Engineering School in Zigong city. “It remains unknown  whether the assailant(s) were arrested and prosecuted,” she added.

“In light of these recent events, we encourage Tibetan students to  focus on their studies and maintain cordial relations with other  fellow students in keeping with our traditional values. Our pride  in our Tibetan identity and heritage does not rest on a show of  physical force, but through academic excellence,” Kalon Chhoyang  said.

“With Tibetan students reported to study in 12 cities in mainland  China, the Chinese government must ensure their personal safety,”  she said.

“In keeping with its claim to build a harmonious society, we hope  the PRC government will take the necessary measures to promote good  relations between Chinese and Tibetan people. Consequently, such  efforts will facilitate positive interactions between Chinese and  Tibetan students,” she added.

“The Kashag of the Central Tibetan Administration would like to  reiterate that the Tibetan struggle is neither anti-China nor anti-  Chinese. We strive for the restoration of freedom in Tibet through  peaceful dialogue,” the DIIR kalon said.

Media contacts:

Thuten Samphel, Secretary 98050 24662

Lobsang Choedak, Press Officer 98822 32476

As a refugee living here, India’s rising power is very reassuring’

Dec 16, 2011, 12.00AM IST

Tibetan poet and activist Tenzin Tsundue shot to fame when in 2002, he scaled 14 floors of Mumbai’s Oberoi Towers – where the then Chinese PM Zhu Rongji was addressing Indian business magnates – to unfurl a Tibetan flag. Known for his impassioned writing, the activist also described as one of India’s most stylish people, Tsundue spoke with Amardeep Banerjee about the recent Global Buddhist Conference that became controversial, Buddhist monks immolating themselves – and how the Dalai Lama’s retirement has impacted the Tibetan movement:

The recent Global Buddhist Conference attracted Chinese criticism with President Pratibha Patil and PM Manmohan Singh opting out apparently due to China’s objections – your view?

The fact that India stood its ground in hosting the Buddhist congregation and also having the Dalai Lama as chief guest at the valedictory function is a matter of pride. Unlike the Beijing 2008 Olympics period, the Indian government this year is much more confident about not submitting under Chinese pressure. As a refugee living here in India, India’s rising power is very reassuring.

But many are not reassured – more than 10 Tibetan monks have attempted self-immolation in the past one year. Do you see self-immolation as a legitimate form of protest?

Ever since the 2008 Tibetan uprising, the Chinese government has become insecure in its control over Tibet. Inter-national media and tourists cannot travel freely in Tibet, peoples’ movement is curtailed. It is this draconian police rule that’s suffocating the Tibetans, pushing them to self-immolation. These are desperate acts to protest against Chinese police brutality and demand freedom. Living in India, i have no moral right to question its legitimacy.

Meanwhile, how has the Dalai Lama’s retirement from politics impacted the Tibetan movement?

The devolution of political power from the Dalai Lama should be looked at as an act of renunciation. The Dalai Lama’s decision made the Tibetan people elect their own leadership and be accountable in all political matters. This is our answer to Chinese propaganda which says that exiled Tibetans only want to recreate the old feudal society. But more than that, we’ve had the success of 50 years of experimenting with democracy.

How do you view current Sino-Indian relations?

The 60-year relationship bet-ween India and China that started after the Chinese occupation of Tibet has been marked mostly by fear and suspicion earlier. It’s now characterised by economic competition and misplaced diplomacy. One of the main issues is the 4,057-km border. India’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh is based on the 1914 McMahon Treaty while China doesn’t recognise this treaty.

When the basic approaches are different, a solution is un-likely to come by anytime soon. Today, India is under pressure because of China’s humongous military build-up in Tibet, its control of the Himalayan rivers and China’s instigation of Pakistan. Because of the friction, both countries are militarising the Himalayas from either side – unless Tibet is restored as the buffer zone as before, India and China are forever going to be at cold war.

However, is the ‘Free Tibet’ demand practical?

From India, we see only China’s money and military might. We do not see the 80,000 protest incidents that rock China each year which are beaten down with brutality. And this is getting worse, so much that the Dalai Lama recently observed China’s internal security budget is higher than its external defence budget, meaning they have more enemies on the inside than the outsidea¦their rigidity about control is pushing the country to the brink of an implosion.