20 Tibetans held in Bajura

20 Tibetans held in Bajura

PRAKASH SINGH

12th September 2011

BAJURA: Police arrested 20 Tibetan nationals, supporters of Dalai Lama, for illegally entering to Nepal on Sunday.

They were arrested at Bauli, near district headquarters for illegally trying to enter Delhi via Bajura-Kathmandu route, informed Birkha Bahadur Rawal, DSP at the district police office, Bajura.

According to the national law of Nepal, the Tibetans, who do not have proper legal papers, are not allowed to enter.

Police started chasing them after they were seen at Pandusen in the district on Saturday night. They had reached to the district after 17-day walk.

All the arrested are youths which include 15 boys and five girls. However, their identities are yet to be ascertained due to the language barrier. “We are unable to establish their identities as they can not speak Nepali Language,” said police.

The arrested will be sent to Kathmandu today for further proceedings, informed police.


By the Editorial Board of The Tibetan Political Review

By the Editorial Board of The Tibetan Political Review


The 15th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile meets from September 16 to October 1 of this year.  One if its key tasks will be to consider candidates for the seven Kalons (ministers) nominated by the Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister), Lobsang Sangay.  In order to ensure that the Tibetan people get the best administration possible, it is imperative that the names of the nominees be publicly disclosed now so that they can be thoroughly vetted.

Under Article 21 of the Tibetan Charter, the Parliament votes whether to confirm the Kalon Tripa’s nominees for the seven members of the Kashag (Cabinet). These seven Kalons are: Nangsi Kalon (Home Minister), Chidrel Kalon (Minister of Information and International Relations), Sherig Kalon (Education Minister), Choedhon Kalon (Religion Minister), Desung Kalon (Security Minister), Troeten Kalon (Health Minister), and Paljor Kalon (Finance Minister).

The Kalon Tripa will likely nominate qualified individuals to these important positions.  However, we believe that any democracy is made stronger through checks and balances.  The Central Tibetan Administration’s functioning would be improved by fully vetting the Kashag nominees.  This vetting is a duty that constitutionally falls to the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.  Not carrying out a full vetting would be a dereliction of the Parliament’s duty.

Tibetan democracy is structured similar to a presidential system (with a directly-elected executive separate from the legislature) rather than a parliamentary system (where the head of government is the leader of the legislative majority).  In presidential systems such as the American and Tibetan ones, the legislature has the important power to vote whether to confirm the chief executive’s Cabinet.

Looking to the example of the United States, the President informs the Senate (the upper house of Congress) of a particular Cabinet nominee; the Senate investigates this nominee, including holding confirmation hearings where the nominee is questioned under oath.  The Senate then votes on whether to confirm the nominee.

The purpose of this confirmation process is three-fold.  First, the Senate assures that the nominee is qualified.  Second, Senators can get the nominee’s views and policies on record.  Third, the Senate serves as a political check by ensuring that the Cabinet nominee is politically acceptable, not only to the President (who nominates) but also to Senators (who confirm).

Some may feel that the President should have the power to appoint whomever he/she wants in the Cabinet, but as a practical matter this system promotes political moderation.  It is grounded in the principle that while the President is the head of government, it is ultimately the legislature that is the representative of the people.

Based on this example, we believe that Tibetan democracy would benefit by the Kalon Tripa immediately informing Parliament of his seven Kalon nominees.  The Parliamentary Standing Committee, and individual Chitues (Members of Parliament), should immediately begin the vetting process for these nominees.  This process should include calling the nominees to testify before the full Parliament beginning on September 16.  With a full vetting process for the Kalon nominees, it will ultimately be the Tibetan people who will benefit from a better administration.


The 15th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile meets from September 16 to October 1 of this year.  One if its key tasks will be to consider candidates for the seven Kalons (ministers) nominated by the Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister), Lobsang Sangay.  In order to ensure that the Tibetan people get the best administration possible, it is imperative that the names of the nominees be publicly disclosed now so that they can be thoroughly vetted.

Under Article 21 of the Tibetan Charter, the Parliament votes whether to confirm the Kalon Tripa’s nominees for the seven members of the Kashag (Cabinet). These seven Kalons are: Nangsi Kalon (Home Minister), Chidrel Kalon (Minister of Information and International Relations), Sherig Kalon (Education Minister), Choedhon Kalon (Religion Minister), Desung Kalon (Security Minister), Troeten Kalon (Health Minister), and Paljor Kalon (Finance Minister).

The Kalon Tripa will likely nominate qualified individuals to these important positions.  However, we believe that any democracy is made stronger through checks and balances.  The Central Tibetan Administration’s functioning would be improved by fully vetting the Kashag nominees.  This vetting is a duty that constitutionally falls to the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.  Not carrying out a full vetting would be a dereliction of the Parliament’s duty.

Tibetan democracy is structured similar to a presidential system (with a directly-elected executive separate from the legislature) rather than a parliamentary system (where the head of government is the leader of the legislative majority).  In presidential systems such as the American and Tibetan ones, the legislature has the important power to vote whether to confirm the chief executive’s Cabinet.

Looking to the example of the United States, the President informs the Senate (the upper house of Congress) of a particular Cabinet nominee; the Senate investigates this nominee, including holding confirmation hearings where the nominee is questioned under oath.  The Senate then votes on whether to confirm the nominee.

The purpose of this confirmation process is three-fold.  First, the Senate assures that the nominee is qualified.  Second, Senators can get the nominee’s views and policies on record.  Third, the Senate serves as a political check by ensuring that the Cabinet nominee is politically acceptable, not only to the President (who nominates) but also to Senators (who confirm).

Some may feel that the President should have the power to appoint whomever he/she wants in the Cabinet, but as a practical matter this system promotes political moderation.  It is grounded in the principle that while the President is the head of government, it is ultimately the legislature that is the representative of the people.

Based on this example, we believe that Tibetan democracy would benefit by the Kalon Tripa immediately informing Parliament of his seven Kalon nominees.  The Parliamentary Standing Committee, and individual Chitues (Members of Parliament), should immediately begin the vetting process for these nominees.  This process should include calling the nominees to testify before the full Parliament beginning on September 16.  With a full vetting process for the Kalon nominees, it will ultimately be the Tibetan people who will benefit from a better administration.


The Statement of Kalon Tripa on the Occasion of the Fifty-first Tibetan Democracy Day

The Statement of Kalon Tripa on the Occasion of the Fifty-first Tibetan Democracy Day
2 September 2011

Today, we celebrate the fifty-first anniversary of Tibetan Democracy Day. On this auspicious occasion, in which we celebrate our shared aspiration for human freedom, I extend my warm greetings to fellow Tibetans around the world particularly to those in occupied Tibet

I pay my sincere and heart-felt tribute to our most revered leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama, whose vision of a democratic and secular Tibetan society I am fully committed to realizing. Let me begin by acknowledging and celebrating the pivotal role of His Holiness the Dalai Lama who is a true democrat and a magnanimous people’s leader. He was drawn towards fairness and democratic principles even when growing up as a young child in the Potala Palace. Being from a humble peasant family himself, he befriended the Palace sweepers, gatekeepers and cooks, and these people became his source of information about ordinary Tibetans and conditions in Tibet. Two years after assuming leadership of the country, His Holiness established the Reform Committee in 1952, which had exempting poor farmers and indigent Tibetans from heavy taxes as one of its objectives. However, the occupying Chinese forces disrupted the work and disbanded the committee.

I would like to share my own experience of His Holiness’ magnanimity in 1995. Along with other students, I received an audience with His Holiness just before we were to leave for further studies in the United States. As I was introduced, His Holiness mentioned an article that I published in the Tibetan Review entitled “Human Rights and Asian Values.” I was struck and honored that he took notice of an article published by a young and ordinary Tibetan. I know countless others who have had similar encounters.

The story of Tibet’s democracy, after the early attempts in 1952, continued in 1959 after His Holiness sought refuge in India following the occupation of Tibet. At a time when anti-colonialism was taking hold and new democracies were being established around the world, the first step towards establishing the Tibetan parliament began at Bodh Gaya, where the Na-gyen Chenmo (great oath) was taken and Tibetan leaders pledged an iron-like unity under one leadership.  On June 29, 1960, at a very emotional public event, His Holiness shared his vision of democracy to Tibetan construction workers of Indian highways near Dalhousie. It must have been a traumatic experience for Tibetans; who having lost their nation, homes, and family members; had to witness their 26-year-old leader as a refugee amidst makeshift tents that served as their home. Tibetans – young and old – were overwhelmed with emotions – many cried and were deeply moved.

Tibetans elected (actually selected) their members of parliament and had their first meeting on September 2, 1960, which from that day on came to be commemorated as the Tibetan Democracy Day. As for selecting the regional representatives, Tibetan road workers from Sikkim to Manali met on roadsides and nominated candidates by raising their hands. The elected representatives, carrying tin box full of documents, met under a tree (not far from Tsuklagkhang) on weekends to conduct parliamentary business. Women members were elected as early as 1963, when some advanced democracies still did not have female parliamentarians. In 1977, representatives of Bon were also included.

In 1963, the constitution of Tibet, modeled after India’s, was adopted and His Holiness the Dalai Lama insisted that the constitution include a provision that allowed for his own impeachment which went against the wishes of his own people. In 1970, the Tibetan Youth Congress was established by Tibetan youth leaders, and in 1984 the Tibetan Women’s Association was re-established in exile. Both organizations have played an important role in producing leaders with emphasis on non-sectarianism, non-regionalism and unity.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Berlin Wall and the spread of “third wave” of democracy around the world in the early nineties, more democratic reforms ensued in the Tibetan community. These reforms occurred while the Chinese government was cracking down on its own people seeking democracy during the Tiananmen Square massacre. In 1991, the Charter of the Tibetans – the supreme law governing the functions of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) – was drafted and adopted by the Tibetan parliament. The parliament was expanded and constitutionally empowered to elect the Kashag. The parliamentary procedures and functional processes akin to Indian parliamentary system became more disciplined, sophisticated and effective over time.

Tibetan democracy continued to flourish in the 2000s when the world witnessed the color revolutions in Eastern Europe. As per an amendment in the Tibetan charter, the first direct election for the post of the Kalon Tripa, administrative head of CTA, took place in 2001. Professor Samdhong Rinpoche won the election with more than 80 percent of the votes and provided admirable leadership.

A decade later, in March 2011, amid the Arab Spring and where some leaders are still violently resisting their people’s demands for change, His Holiness the Dalai Lama announced his devolution of power ten days before the final round of Kalon Tripa and parliamentary elections. He expressed his strong desire to transfer all his political and administrative powers and announced his decision to “devolve his formal authority to the elected leader.” His Holiness the Dalai Lama rejected impassioned appeals by both the parliament and the people to stay on even as the nominal head of state.

It is important to note that His Holiness Dalai Lama made significant changes that coincided with major global developments. In retrospect, it is clear that His Holiness’ decisions were not driven by these developments. Rather, he was taking advantage of these events to hasten the democratic reforms that he had initiated (which his people resisted) since coming into exile. The timing of each one of His Holiness’ major steps: the impeachment clause in the 1960s, establishing a leader’s position between himself and the Kashag in the 1980s, and the direct election of Kalon Tripa in the 2000s, has been brilliant. The timing of the devolution of political power in particular is masterful as His Holiness’ decision has legitimized the outcome of the 2011 Kalon Tripa elections – the largest and most democratic round of elections in Tibetan history.

The recent elections is a testament to the growing maturity and vibrancy of Tibetan democracy. The historic elections attracted an unprecedented number of Tibetans from 30 countries, particularly the youth. Tibetans from Tibet also showed keen interest and solidarity by going to monasteries to pray for the success of election, following developments closely and bursting fireworks when election results were announced. The Kalon Tripa elections were intensely but fairly contested with the three final candidates participating in around seventeen debates and visiting majority of the Tibetan communities in exile. The parliamentary elections resulted in fifty percent new members, including substantial number of women and new arrivals from Tibet. The successful outcome of these elections have given new hope for our compatriots inside Tibet, and sent a strong message to Beijing that the Tibetan movement is gaining new momentum.

His Holiness’ magnanimity and democratic values is again reaffirmed by his remarks at the recent oath-taking ceremony of the Kalon Tripa. His Holiness when transferring a piece of important history and more importantly the political legitimacy of the 369-year-old institution of the Dalai Lama to the leader with democratic mandate stated, “When I was young, an elderly regent Takdrag Rinpoche handed over Sikyong (political leadership) to me, and today I am handing over Sikyong to young Lobsang Sangay. in doing this I have fulfilled my long-cherished goal.” The transferring of the 1751 seal of the 7th Dalai Lama to the current Kalon Tripa, a lay Tibetan from a humble background who grew up in a refugee settlement, truly represents continued legitimacy and symbol of Tibetan leadership.

My fellow Tibetans, history of Tibetan leadership and its glorious legacy will continue.

Today our democracy, while nascent, is a successful model of an exile community establishing a strong democratic base and governance system. This is in large part due to the generosity of the Indian government and people, our host. In fact our experience has attracted the interest of other exile and refugee communities and students of democracy. The CTA and some of our non-governmental organizations have shared our five decades of experience in implementing democratic principles, processes and mechanisms with others, and we invite everyone to examine and study our experience. Having said that, our democracy is still far from perfect and we must make it even more robust.

I can say with confidence that our exile democratic administration is far superior to China’s colonial rule in Tibet. Tibetans in Tibet live under harsh autocracy while those of us in exile enjoy democracy. While I have the mandate of the Tibetan world, the Party Secretary of “Tibet Autonomous Region” (TAR) is hand picked by Beijing, and has never been a Tibetan. We are part of a democratic family in the world, China is not. The Kalon Tripa is the legitimate representative of the Tibetan people, while China’s rule in Tibet is undemocratic and illegitimate. China cannot be a legitimate superpower without accepting the universality of freedom. I call upon the Chinese regime to respect the freedom of both the Tibetan and Chinese people.

Finally, let me conclude by stating that the devolution of political power is not solely to me, but to all Tibetans. The time has now come for us to demonstrate that we can survive and indeed thrive independently with our new responsibilities. We must actively participate in the democratic process by ensuring that our leaders remain accountable and true to the democratic spirit.

My election as the Kalon Tripa is a vote of confidence in the newer generation of Tibetans. So, it is expected of the younger generation to work with renewed dedication and conviction. We must live up to the expectations of His Holiness. This is no time for cynicism but optimism. Our focus must be to pursue the sacred cause of supporting the brave men and women inside Tibet who continue to sacrifice their lives for the preservation of Tibetan identity and dignity. With Tibetan spirit as strong as the majestic Mount Jomolangma, we must all work hard towards ensuring the return of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and emulate the honorable service of our elder generation who successfully ensured the 13th Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet.

My dear fellow compatriots inside Tibet! Many of us in exile have never seen Tibet, but Tibet is in our heart and soul. With determination, dedication, and Dharma on our side, we will make sure to achieve our parent’s dream to return to our homeland. I want to reiterate my deep conviction that with unity, innovation and self-reliance as our guiding principles we will ensure the restoration of freedom, reunification of Tibetans and the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet.

BOD GYALO!


China sentences Tibetan monk to 11 years for trying to save his nephew

China sentences Tibetan monk to 11 years for trying to save his nephew

Phayul[Monday, August 29, 2011 21:41]

DHARAMSHALA, August 29: A Chinese court in eastern Tibet today sentenced a Tibetan monk to 11 years in jail on charges of “intentional homicide” for “hiding” a fellow monk, Phuntsog, who set himself ablaze in an anti-China protest in March earlier this year.

China’s official news agency, Xinhua, reported that the Ngaba Prefecture Court in its ruling found 46-year old Lobsang Tsundue guilty of hiding Phuntsog thereby preventing him from receiving emergency medical treatment for 11 hours.

Tsundue was Phuntsog’s uncle and also his teacher at the Kirti monastery in Tibet.

However, eyewitnesses of the March 16 self-immolation of Phuntsog in Ngaba have confirmed Tsundue’s role in trying to save his nephew from further beatings at the hands of the Chinese security personnel.

Chinese security personnel after dousing the flames began to beat the charred body of Phuntsog severely. Local Tibetans believe that Phuntsog died as a result of the beatings.

In a release today, the Dharamshala based rights group, Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy called “such false charges and accusation of murder as unjust.”

Tsundue was first arrested on Mach 20 and released after five days of detention. He was rearrested on April 12 and his whereabouts had remained unclear till his appearance for the one-day trial today.

As earlier reported by Xinhua, a second trial will be held tomorrow for two more Kirti monks, Tsering Tenzin and Tenchum. The monks will be tried for “plotting, instigating and assisting” in the self-immolation of Phuntsog.

The Kirti monastery has been under a heavy security lockdown ever since. Many of its monks have gone missing, including some 300 who were taken away in one group to an unknown location in the night of April 21. The are continues to remain off-limits to foreign journalists.

Dalai Lama: new SA visa row

Dalai Lama: new SA visa row

August 28 2011 at 11:25am

By Peter Fabricius

Another row over a planned visit to South Africa by the Dalai Lama is brewing.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu confirmed on Saturday that he had invited the Dalai Lama to attend his 80th birthday party in Cape Town on October 7. But the South African government appears to be reluctant to give the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader a visa for fear of offending its ally the Chinese government.

Tutu confirmed on Saturday “that I have invited His Holiness the Dalai Lama to attend my 80th birthday celebrations in Cape Town. I am delighted that His Holiness has accepted the invitation. I am hopeful that our government will facilitate the necessary travel documentation, and look forward to welcoming my friend in October”.

Tutu would say no more. The Dalai Lama’s representative in South Africa Sonam Tenzing would only confirm Tutu had invited him.

But diplomatic sources said the Dalai Lama, who lives in exile in India, had applied for a visa from the South African High Commission in New Delhi in June. His officials were told that the immigration section required political guidance from Pretoria on the application. By Saturday the Dalai Lama’s officials had received no response from the Department of Home Affairs.

The Dalai Lama’s officials were told that the High Commission in New Delhi had not received the visa application. The officials will apply again apply on Monday.

Ronnie Mamoepa, spokesman for the Ministry of Home Affairs, said on Saturday the Dalai Lama had not applied for a visa in New Delhi.

“As soon as he applies, New Delhi will alert Pretoria and his visa application will be considered.”

Mamoepa refused to speculate on whether his government was likely to grant a visa, in the light of Pretoria’s close ties with the Chinese government, which opposes all foreign visits by the Dalai Lama.

“The visa will be considered on its merits, according to the normal procedures,” he said.

China regards the Dalai Lama as a subversive because he has campaigned for the independence or at least political autonomy of Tibet.

Political analysts believe the Chinese pressure on Pretoria to keep the Dalai Lama out has grown even stronger since China played a pivotal role in having South Africa admitted to the Bric group of major emerging economies. – Sunday Independent                                                              (from IOL NEWS)


Tsewang Norbu from Kham Tawu, Tibet, set himself ablaze calling for Freedom; Tibetan NGOs in Dharamsala hold candle light vigil

Tsewang Norbu from Kham Tawu, Tibet, set himself ablaze calling for Freedom;

Tibetan NGOs in Dharamsala hold candle light vigil

Dharamsala – At 12.30 in the afternoon of 15th August, 2011, 29 year old Tsewang Norbu, a monk from Nyitso monastery in Kham Tawu, Eastern Tibet, protested in the town’s market calling for ‘Freedom in Tibet’ & the ‘return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’; several leaflets with similar messages were also scattered in the air. After 10 minutes of protest, he set himself on fire, which led to his immediate death on the spot.

Latest information according to telephone messages received in Dharamsala says that immediately after the incident, restrictions of movement have been placed by the Chinese police in and around the monastery. Armed guards can be seen everywhere on the street, on the road and in Tibetan neighborhood.

Telephone reports from Tibet say that after carrying the body of the deceased monk back into the monastery and while preparing for the last rites and puja, Chinese govt. deployed thousands of troops around the monastery who also tried to take away the body forcibly from the monks. Tension due to this confrontation still grips the town as we write this.

This incident occurred after tens of thousands of Tibetan people and monks from Nyitso & Tsoen Monastery in Kham Tawu were stopped from celebrating His Holiness’ birthday day this year on 6thJuly, 2011 after which all the possible water and electric supply to the monastery were curbed by the Chinese Govt.

This is the second such incident following the death of Thinley from Beri Serkha, Kham Kardze, Eastern Tibet, who passed away on 10th August, 2011 due to several months of torture in prison for his involvement in protest against the Chinese Govt. in 2009.

In support of this call for freedom, Dharamsala based Tibetan NGOs have come together to highlight this dire situation and offer prayers for the deceased.

Tibetan Women’s Association

Gu-Chu-Sum Movement of Tibet

Regional Tibetan Youth Congress, Dharamsala

Students for a Free Tibet-India


INAUGURAL SPEECH OF KALON TRIPA DR. LOBSANG SANGAY

INAUGURAL SPEECH OF KALON TRIPA DR. LOBSANG SANGAY

Dharamsala, India

8th August 2011

My fellow Tibetans:

Today on this auspicious day when Guru Rinpoche, the great Indian yogi who spread Buddhism in Tibet, was born, and in the presence of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, our most revered leader, I accept, with deep humility, the post of the Kalon Tripa.

We invoke the spirit and call on the Gods and Goddesses of Tibet to watch over and guide us. My profound gratitude goes out to the overwhelming support of brave men and women in exile, and the enduring solidarity and support of our brave brothers and sisters in occupied Tibet. We are motivated by their support and sustained by their prayers.

Blessed spiritually by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and authorized politically to continue the extended historical legitimacy of the great institution of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I am here not as a result of my personal achievement but as a result of the hard work and sacrifices made by elder generations in Tibet and in exile. Today, I pledge to carry on and build upon this great legacy of our elders. I pledge to you, my fellow Tibetans, to strengthen and sustain our movement until freedom is restored in Tibet, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama returns to our homeland.

Over one century ago, in 1910, His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama, took one last glance at the Potala Palace before leaving his homeland and promised to his people “I shall return” Our ancestors at the time did not have modern education and sophistication, but with dedication and unity they work tirelesslyto make the return of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama possible.His Holiness returned to Lhasa in early 1913 and reaffirmed Tibet’s independence from China.

Almost half a century later, the same pledge to return was poignantly repeated by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama as he departed Lhasa on the fateful night of March, 17, 1959. Today, the responsibility to help ensure the return of His Holiness is with our generation of Tibetans who have modern education and sophistication. But do we have dedication, unity and commitment to make tireless effort like our ancestors? If we do, we will prevail. If we don’t, we fail.

No doubt, our task is of Himalayan proportion. But we take inspiration from thousands of other brave Tibetans who, throughout our history, have given up their lives and devoted their hearts to Tibet. We have been tragically separated by force, not by choice, and, we will reach the mountaintop of freedom to reunite Tibetans on both sides of Himalayas.

I promise to work to fulfill the vision of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama to create a truly secular democratic society. This year’s dynamic Tibetan election demonstrated to the world our commitment to genuine democracy and the universal principle of human freedom. Our democratic election reveals that Tibetan unity is built upon and sustained by universal democratic principles that transcend region, sect, gender, and generations.

The results of this election should send a clear message to the hardliners in the Chinese government that Tibetan leadership is far from fizzling out “ we are democracy that will only grow stronger in years ahead. And we are here to stay.

Let me be very clear: our struggle is not against the Chinese people, nor is it against China as a country. Our struggle is against hard-line policies of the Chinese regime in Tibet. Our struggle is against those who would deny freedom, justice, dignity, and the very identity of Tibetan People. Chinese authorities and our Chinese friends alike must realize that grievances of Tibetan people are many and genuine.

Today, my fellow Tibetans, I reaffirm in the oath and aspiration forged by our forefathers “ a treaty signed more then a millennia ago by Tibet and China that pledged a great epoch when “Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet and Chinese in the land of China”

In 1950, when the Chinese Army first came to Tibet, they promised  “Socialist Paradise” for Tibetans. Some Tibetans helped build roads to Tibet from China and were paid in Silver coins for their labor. During that time, the Chinese soldiers were very polite and treated our ancestors kindly.

However, once the roads were built, tanks encircled strategic urban areas, lorries headed straight to the mineral-rich mountains and pristine forests: and Chinese workers arrived to exploit and mine billions of dollars of gold, copper, and uranium. Overnight, it seemed, something had changed. The polite Chinese soldiers changed and became overbearing, aggressive, and violent. They used their guns. Battles erupted. Death and destruction ensued.

The great epoch of happiness was put into peril. And since that time, I fear, Tibetans have become second class citizens in their own homeland.

The ongoing political repression, cultural assimilation, economic marginalization and environmental destruction in occupied Tibet is unacceptable. The construction of new Railway Line brings each day more heavy equipment to exploit mineral resources and more Chinese migrants to demographically dominate Tibet and dilute our rich culture and identity. Today’s empirical facts are startling: around seventy percent of the private sector is owned or run by Chinese, and more than fifty percent of public sector jobs of the local Communist Party cadre are also held by the Chinese. Meanwhile, nearly forty percent of our Tibetan brothers and sisters who have worked hard and earned university and high school degrees are unemployed. These statistics are made worse, as we all know, by Chinese officials who treat Tibet as their personal inheritance, and act as feudal lords.

But three years ago, in 2008, Tibetans men and women, young and old, nomads and farmers, monks and nuns, all rose up against the Chinese rule in Tibet – from Dromo to Dhartsedo, Ngari to Ngaba, from Lhasa to Lithang, from Kongpo to Kumbum. They spoke out against Chinese oppression and mistreatment and the universal slogan was: we want His Holiness the Dalai Lama return to Tibet. Let me be clear: the Tibetan Administration does not encourage protest in part because we cannot forget the harsh response Chinese authorities hand down in the face of free and peaceful expression.

However, it is our sacred duty to support and to be the voice for our voiceless and courageous compatriots.

After sixty years of misrule, Tibet is no Socialist Paradise that Chinese officials promised. There is no  “Socialism” in Tibet, but rather Colonialism. Tibet is not the “Paradise” that it could be: today, it is a tragedy because of the Chinese occupation. Chinese government ought to know it. Recently, many Chinese leaders have visited Lhasa to observe sixty years of “peaceful liberation”. The reality is that the anniversary was observed under undeclared martial law with troops holding automatic machine guns, marching in the streets of Lhasa, sharp shooters positioned on rooftops, tourists banned from visiting Tibet entirely. Bejing’s rule in Tibet is clearly unjust and untenable.

Despite the tragedy in Tibet, we want the world to know, especially Chinese friends, that we remain firmly committed to non-violence. We do not view China as a nation and Chinese as a people with malice but with respect. Guided by the wisdom of our forefathers and foremothers, we will continue the Middle-Way policy, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within the People’s Republic of China. This, my fellow Tibetans, is a win-win proposition for both the Tibetans and the Chinese. We believe in a peaceful resolution for Tibet, which means a peaceful process and peaceful dialogue. We are also willing to negotiate with the Chinese government anytime, anywhere.

Let’s not forget: China aspires to be a superpower. It is the fastest growing major economy in the world and is backed by the largest army in the world. Sadly, however, China’s moral power is lacking behind. Moral power cannot be bought in the market or forced with military might. It has to be earned. As long as Tibetans are repressed, there will be resistance, and waning respect for China. Finding a lasting solution to the Tibet question will go a long way toward restoring China’s positive image in the minds and hearts of people around the world, as well as towards protecting its territorial integrity and sovereignty. The Chinese people in China and the Greater Chinese diasporic community have a key role to play in helping China overcome this moral deficiency.

I have sixteen years record of reaching out to hundreds of Chinese students and have organized conferences on Tibet between Chinese and Tibetan scholars at Harvard University. We will continue to reach out to the Chinese people to build mutual understanding and trust. I would like to extent our heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to the United States, Europe, international community and Tibet Support Groups for their enduring support. We appeal to them to continue to stand with us for justice, freedom, dignity, and equality, and to persuade Beijing to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully. A lasting solution to the situation in Tibet will be one of the most defining stories of the 21st century for it will reaffirm faith in humanity’s capacity to build peace, non-violence and universal freedom. This would be a victory not only for the Tibetan people, but for all the marginalized people around the world.

A just and speedy resolution of the issue of Tibet is in the interest of all Asia. For thousands of years, the Tibetan people served as responsible guardian of the environment of the world’s highest and largest plateau that is the source of ten major rivers that contribute to the livelihood of more than 2 billion human beings. China’s damming of rivers that originate from Tibet will undermine the livelihood of millions of people downstream in Asia. It is for this reason, millions of people in Asia have a vested interest in seeing that the Tibetan people are restored to their traditional role of being the responsible guardian of the environment of the Tibetan Plateau. This transcends politics. It touches upon the wellbeing and welfare of Asia.

We remain eternally grateful to the people and the government of India for offering the Tibetan people refuge and for allowing us to remain as guests for the past five decades. For those of us who live here, India is our second home. The Tibetan Administration will uphold and continue to honor the special relationship between the Tibetan and the Indian people. Our debt to the Indian government and its people is already enormous. But our work together continues. We humbly appeal for your continued support and kind consideration to treat Tibet as one of the core issues between India and China.

For the next five years, with unity, innovation and self-reliance as our guiding principles, the Tibetan Administration will strengthen the freedom movement, and sustain it for another fifty years, if need be. I urge Tibetans inside and outside to support the Lhakar Movement to be proud of and assert Tibetanness – to show solidarity, to embrace unity, and to keep alive the Tibetan spirit –  for together, I know we will foster a dynamic environment and strengthen Tibetan institutions and communities around the world.

Education will be our number one priority. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama has taught us, sharing knowledge is  way to achieve immortality. It is the beacon that will light the future of Tibet. We will strive to reach 10,000 professionals among 150,000 in exile and appeal to Tibetans inside Tibet to reach 100,000 in the next two decades.

We will also continue to professionalize the Tibetan Administration and ensure greater access and transparency through the integration of technology and social networking tools. To this end, in the months ahead we will establish a Tibet Policy Institute that will serve as an intellectual platform to envision, develop, and execute policies that will strengthen Tibet. We will also establish Sister Shichaks (settlements) to strengthen solidarity between Tibetans in India and the West and introduce Tibet Corps, a movement that will invite skills and know-how of Tibetans within and abroad to serve Tibet, and create employment for youth and build sustainable shichaks (settlements).

Along with all other Tibetans, I am profoundly grateful to Professor Samdhong Rinpoche for his leadership over the past decade. And I thank him and the able members of his cabinet for their heartwarming hospitality and productive support during this smooth transition of administrations. Going forward, I will abide by the Charter and Supreme Justice Commission, and extend my full co-operation and partnership to the honorable speakers and gentlemen and women of the fifteenth parliament, and lead our very capable and dedicated civil servants in the fulfillment of this pledge.

In conclusion, it is important to remember that the devolution of His Holiness the Dalai Lamaâ “political power is not at all solely to me as the Kalon Tripa, but to all Tibetans. His Holiness trust and belief in the people and our 50 years of consolidation of democratic institutions now will be challenged to survive and thrive independently, without his political involvement. So this is a test for each of us. It is a test, for the leadership in the judiciary, for the parliament and for the executive branch to live up to His Holiness expectations and to work as an effective and united entity. This is our challenge and our opportunity.

I speak with particular urgency to the younger generations of Tibetans. We need your support, your energy, and your talent to stand tall and march forward to freedom. Let us never forget: during our lifetime, our freedom struggle will meet the fate of justice or defeat. Tibet will either appear or disappear from the map of the world. Tibetans, as a people, will be alive or become a museum piece. Tibetan perseverance and pride, wit and will, courage and commitment, will be truly tested.

This is no time for simply criticism and cynicism. This is a time for courage, and a time for conviction. Above all, it is time for confidence in the belief that we are Tibetans and we can do it. The time has come for the younger generation to take a greater leadership role in both internal and international forums. Remember: if we do not, no one will.

Of this, we can be certain too, my fellow Tibetans: like the successful return of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama to Tibet, the opportunity will arise and our day will come. Like our dedicated and united ancestors, if we are not united and prepared to accept the challenges together, we will fail. Unity is paramount and it simply cannot be compromised; it is the bedrock of our movement. Any failure to attain unity will solely be our fault. We should do our utmost not to disappoint the majority of compatriots in Tibet who have put their faith in us, and who will be closely watching every step we take from today onward. However, thankfully we take comfort in the knowledge that His Holiness the Dalai Lama, our most revered leader, is very much in our midst to offer his wisdom.

During my first audience as the Kalon Tripa elect earlier this year, I was reminded by His Holiness the Dalai Lama that I was sitting on the same spot when I first met him nearly two decade ago, in 1992. His Holiness told me that my term as the Kalon Tripa will be good and I am committed to making his words come true. However, my two hands alone are not nearly enough. I request you to lend me your 12 million hands in realizing the words of the present Dalai Lama on the fateful night of March 17, 1959 that “he shall return” to Tibet.

For my brothers and sisters in Tibet, I say to you with confidence today: we will meet soon. Though I have never been allowed to set foot in Tibet, Tibet is in my heart each and every day. I am proud to be born a Tibetan and I will be proud to die as one. While I live, I am determined to fight for our freedom. My late father, like many of our parents, could not return to Tibet. But this, my fellow Tibetans, will not be the story of all Tibetans. Together, we will ensure the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet, reunite our people, and restore freedom in Tibet.

Today, we are in the holy land of India, where the Lord Shakyamuni attained Buddhahood. Next we will meet in the holy land of Tibet, where Buddhism is the heart and soul of six million Tibetans. We are always ready to embark on this epic journey from Dharamsala, the abode of Dharma, to Lhasa, the abode of Gods. From the town where His Holiness the Dalai Lama lives, to the city where he belongs.

This is our aspiration. This is our struggle. This is our dream. And with unity, innovation, and self-reliance as the guiding principles of six million Tibetans, victory will be ours. Long Live His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Bod Gyalo.


Statement of the outgoing Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche on the oath-taking ceremony of the new Kalon Tripa

Statement of the outgoing Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche on

the oath-taking ceremony of the new Kalon Tripa

With profound respect to Your Holiness, the democratic leadership of the Tibetan people, you’re Excellencies, the honourable guests and the Tibetans in and outside Tibet. On the auspicious occasion of oath-taking ceremony of the third Kalon Tripa democratically elected by the Tibetan people, I happily and proudly offer my heartfelt greetings and congratulate to you all.

Today is a very special day on which this special ceremony takes place. This is a new chapter in Tibetan history in which a giant step is taken towards a genuine democracy. Today is also a beginning of a future where the Tibetan people will show courage and put great efforts for their common goal. The democratic system we practice here in exile is an example not only to people under occupation but also to others around the world. This will also be a valuable gift to the Tibetans inside Tibet when the time comes for all of us to be reunited in Tibet.

From the second century BC to the middle of the twentieth century for most of the time Tibet has been a sovereign independent country. Despite its small population, Tibet has a long and rich civilization with deep spiritual tradition and cultural heritage. Tibet also became a recognizably powerful country in Asia. Especially since the Great Fifth Dalai Lama established the Gaden Phodrang Government in 1642, which has been the legitimate government that ruled the whole of Tibet, the successive Dalai Lamas became the temporal and spiritual head of the Tibetan people to this day.

At a tender age of sixteen, His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama took the political leadership of Tibet from regent Tagdrag Rinpoche. It has been now sixty years since and this has become the longest duration that a Dalai Lama has provided able leadership to the Tibetan people. Despite the fact that this has been the hardest and the most testing period in Tibetan history, His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s charisma and the leadership has brought the Tibetan issue to the forefront of the international stage.

Though His Holiness the Dalai Lama, since the very young age, had the strong desire to introduce democratic system, the external circumstances did not allow him to do so when he was in Tibet. Immediately upon his arrival in exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama set up the democratic institutions and continued to educate the Tibetan people about democracy and its culture. Irrespective of the general public’s political maturity, His Holiness the Dalai Lama initiated the adoption of Charter for the Tibetans-in-Exile and introduced the processes to elect Sikyong or political leadership directly by the people, which ultimately brought to a complete democratic system for the exile Tibetan community. His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision and unceasing guidance for the last thirty years to build a democratic Tibetan polity, that is not dependent on him, has finally achieved. This is a great moment for all of us.

Your Holiness, the Kashag would like to offer our gratitude from the deepest bottoms of our hearts for your incomparable leadership during the hardest time in our history. Your Holiness has provided us the longest leadership and that your temporal and spiritual achievements far exceed the combined deeds of all the thirteen previous Dalai Lamas. Particularly, we will never be able to repay your kindness for introducing the democratic system, devolving your power to the elected Tibetan leadership and handing over the legitimate Tibetan government founded 369 years ago by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama to the democratically elected leaders.

We are deeply indebted to Your Holiness for your consistent and immensely compassionate guidance during the tenure of the 12th and 13th Kashag. We would like to pay our sincerest gratitude and at the same time ask your forgiveness for our inability to fulfil all your wishes.

Your Holiness, you are the Fourteenth Dalai Lama and the undisputed leader of the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet, and as a result Your Holiness has the full moral, political and legitimate authority to devolve all your powers and responsibilities. The devolution of your power and the transfer of your responsibilities were carried out according to appropriate legislative procedures, and there is no space for doubts and questions about the timeliness of the transition and the legitimacy or legality of the Central Tibetan Administration. The Kashag would like to emphasize here that a few people who raise doubts and scorn at Your Holiness’ visionary democratic steps to benefit the Tibetans should not be taken seriously by anyone.

Today’s transition is from an older generation who lack modern education to a new generation having excellent modern education. This is not only a special occasion that the Tibetans should record in its annals in golden letters but also a beginning of making a new history for our common future. Therefore, my colleagues and I would heartily like to congratulate Dr. Lobsang Sangay and offer our prayers that under your able leadership the situation of the Tibetan politics, administration and the community will move forward to attain great progress.

There is no doubt that the issue of Tibet will be resolved sooner or later if the policies and plans in tune with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision are followed. On the contrary, if other paths are followed, then it is difficult to predict the future destiny of Tibetan people.

Taking this opportunity, my colleagues and I would like to express our heartfelt gratitude to all Tibetans in and outside Tibet for their continued support during the tenure of the twelfth and thirteenth Kashag. We would like to urge you to provide the same support to the fourteenth Kashag as well. We regret for our inability to fulfil all the aspirations of the general public.

Finally, I pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the issue of Tibet be resolved and the day of reunification of Tibetans in Tibet and diaspora may come at the soonest. I now handover this 260-years- old seal, which signifies the legitimacy of the Kashag. The Seventh Dalai Lama bestowed this seal to the Kashag, when he re-established Kashag in 1751.

Samdhong Rinpoche

Outgoing Kalon Tripa


8 August 2011, Dharamsala

Note: This is the English translation. Should any doubt arise, please consider the Tibetan version final and authoritative.

Tibet: Authorities Defied As Tibetans Promote Cultural Security

Tibet: Authorities Defied As Tibetans Promote Cultural Security

Defying Chinese attempts to limit attendance at a meeting in Lithang, more than 5,000 monks, nuns and laypeople gathered for collective teachings and discussions on socio-cultural issues.

Below is an article published by Radio Free Asia:

Defying orders from Chinese authorities, more than 5,000 Tibetan monks, nuns, and laypeople gathered last week at a monastery in southwestern Sichuan province for talks to promote Tibetan cultural values and national unity, a Tibetan source living in India said.

The gathering—the fourth in a series of annual regional meetings—ran from July 15-24 [2011] and was held at Lithang Gonchen, the main monastery of Lithang county, in Sichuan’s Kardze (in Chinese, Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture.

Chinese authorities had at first attempted to limit the numbers of those attending, but finally declined to interfere, though security forces remained camped nearby throughout the event,  said Atruk Tseten, a member of the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies in Tibet’s India-based exile government.

Along with religious discussions, participants heard talks relating to social and cultural issues, including the importance of preserving the Tibetan language and the unity of Tibetans living in Tibet’s traditional three provinces of U-Tsang, Kham, and Amdo—all now ruled by China.

“This had a great impact on the younger Tibetans attending, and helped to uphold their identity as Tibetans,” Atruk Tseten said, citing information gathered from local officials and participants in the meeting.

At the beginning of the meeting, monastery officials instructed Tibetan laypeople attending to speak only in Tibetan and to wear traditional Tibetan dress, and levied fines on those heard using Chinese words in conversation.

Meeting organizers also discouraged civilian officials in the Lithang county seat from entering the monastery grounds, saying, ‘We will be doing some things you won’t like,’ Atruk Tseten said.

‘And if you do come, wear proper Tibetan clothing, and speak only in Tibetan or keep quiet,’ Tseten said the officials were told.

Tseten noted that Lithang Gonchen, the monastery hosting this year’s meeting, had sent invitations to over 100 other monasteries—both in Kardze and in neighboring prefectures—to take part, and that from 40 to 50 of these had sent participants.

Told by Chinese authorities that “no more than 1,000” Tibetans would be allowed to gather, Tseten said, Lithang monastery organizers replied that the invitations had already been sent and that no one would be turned away.

And though authorities sought to prevent participation by monks from restive Kirti monastery, also in Kardze, a delegation from that monastery also attended, Tseten said.

Kirti, the scene of a self-immolation protest against Chinese rule and the forced removal by authorities of about 300 monks earlier this year, is facing an ongoing “patriotic education campaign” by Chinese security forces, according to India-based monks Losang Yeshe and Kanyag Tsering.

“The monastery is still occupied and under surveillance by police, army, and special police forces inside and out, restricting all activity and movement of the monks,” Yeshe and Tsering said.

“Kirti monk Donyo Dorje, 34, has been sentenced to three years in prison and is now in the Mianyang prison near Chengdu, Sichuan,” they said.

“Three other youths were sentenced and are imprisoned at Mianyang, but their names and other details about them are not known,” Yeshe and Tsering added


Dalai Lama and Obama Meet to Talk About Tibet

Dalai Lama and Obama Meet to Talk About Tibet

WASHINGTON — President Obama met privately with the Dalai Lama, the exiled spiritual leader of Tibet, at the White House on Saturday, despite a warning from Beijing that the meeting would risk damaging relations between China and the United States.

Reflecting the diplomatic delicacy of the visit, the 44-minute meeting with the Dalai Lama — Mr. Obama’s second as president — was closed to the news media. China considers Tibet its territory and the Dalai Lama a separatist, although he favors self-rule rather than independence.

The Dalai Lama underscored that point in his conversation with Mr. Obama, according to a White House summary of the meeting. The White House statement also reflected the delicate balance Mr. Obama sought to strike, saying he expressed “strong support” for direct talks and a resolution between China and Tibet that protects both Tibetans’ rights and China’s claim to the territory. But Mr. Obama also “stressed the importance he attaches to building a U.S.-China cooperative partnership.”

“The president reiterated his strong support for the preservation of the unique religious, cultural and linguistic traditions of Tibet and the Tibetan people throughout the world,” the statement said. “He underscored the importance of the protection of human rights of Tibetans in China.”

The meeting came at a particularly delicate time as China, the largest creditor to the United States, has expressed concern about the risk of a default on American bonds if Mr. Obama and Republicans cannot break their impasse over raising the nation’s legal debt limit.

Beijing on Saturday reiterated its call for Mr. Obama to cancel the meeting, according to China’s official news agency, Xinhua. “The issue regarding Tibet concerns China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and we firmly oppose any foreign official to meet with the Dalai Lama in any form,” the Chinese Foreign Ministry said.

Mr. Obama declined to meet with the Dalai Lama in his first year as president, in October 2009, drawing international criticism as seeming to put economic interests with China ahead of human rights. The administration said the two would meet after Mr. Obama’s first trip a month later to China, where the United States was eager for Chinese cooperation in preventing nuclear proliferation in North Korea and Iran. Their introduction came the following February.

The Dalai Lama, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, has lived in exile in India since 1959, when China repressed a Tibetan uprising. He was in Washington for a Buddhist celebration.