China sentences Tibetan monk to 11 years for trying to save his nephew

Dalai Lama: new SA visa row

August 28 2011 at 11:25am

By Peter Fabricius

Another row over a planned visit to South Africa by the Dalai Lama is brewing.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu confirmed on Saturday that he had invited the Dalai Lama to attend his 80th birthday party in Cape Town on October 7. But the South African government appears to be reluctant to give the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader a visa for fear of offending its ally the Chinese government.

Tutu confirmed on Saturday “that I have invited His Holiness the Dalai Lama to attend my 80th birthday celebrations in Cape Town. I am delighted that His Holiness has accepted the invitation. I am hopeful that our government will facilitate the necessary travel documentation, and look forward to welcoming my friend in October”.

Tutu would say no more. The Dalai Lama’s representative in South Africa Sonam Tenzing would only confirm Tutu had invited him.

But diplomatic sources said the Dalai Lama, who lives in exile in India, had applied for a visa from the South African High Commission in New Delhi in June. His officials were told that the immigration section required political guidance from Pretoria on the application. By Saturday the Dalai Lama’s officials had received no response from the Department of Home Affairs.

The Dalai Lama’s officials were told that the High Commission in New Delhi had not received the visa application. The officials will apply again apply on Monday.

Ronnie Mamoepa, spokesman for the Ministry of Home Affairs, said on Saturday the Dalai Lama had not applied for a visa in New Delhi.

“As soon as he applies, New Delhi will alert Pretoria and his visa application will be considered.”

Mamoepa refused to speculate on whether his government was likely to grant a visa, in the light of Pretoria’s close ties with the Chinese government, which opposes all foreign visits by the Dalai Lama.

“The visa will be considered on its merits, according to the normal procedures,” he said.

China regards the Dalai Lama as a subversive because he has campaigned for the independence or at least political autonomy of Tibet.

Political analysts believe the Chinese pressure on Pretoria to keep the Dalai Lama out has grown even stronger since China played a pivotal role in having South Africa admitted to the Bric group of major emerging economies. – Sunday Independent                                                              (from IOL NEWS)

Tsewang Norbu from Kham Tawu, Tibet, set himself ablaze calling for Freedom;

Tibetan NGOs in Dharamsala hold candle light vigil

Dharamsala – At 12.30 in the afternoon of 15^th August, 2011, 29 year old Tsewang Norbu, a monk from Nyitso monastery in Kham Tawu, Eastern Tibet, protested in the town’s market calling for ‘Freedom in Tibet’ & the ‘return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’; several leaflets with similar messages were also scattered in the air. After 10 minutes of protest, he set himself on fire, which led to his immediate death on the spot.

Latest information according to telephone messages received in Dharamsala says that immediately after the incident, restrictions of movement have been placed by the Chinese police in and around the monastery. Armed guards can be seen everywhere on the street, on the road and in Tibetan neighborhood.

Telephone reports from Tibet say that after carrying the body of the deceased monk back into the monastery and while preparing for the last rites and puja, Chinese govt. deployed thousands of troops around the monastery who also tried to take away the body forcibly from the monks. Tension due to this confrontation still grips the town as we write this.

This incident occurred after tens of thousands of Tibetan people and monks from Nyitso & Tsoen Monastery in Kham Tawu were stopped from celebrating His Holiness’ birthday day this year on 6^thJuly, 2011 after which all the possible water and electric supply to the monastery were curbed by the Chinese Govt.

This is the second such incident following the death of Thinley from Beri Serkha, Kham Kardze, Eastern Tibet, who passed away on 10^th August, 2011 due to several months of torture in prison for his involvement in protest against the Chinese Govt. in 2009.

In support of this call for freedom, Dharamsala based Tibetan NGOs have come together to highlight this dire situation and offer prayers for the deceased.

Tibetan Women’s Association

Gu-Chu-Sum Movement of Tibet

Regional Tibetan Youth Congress, Dharamsala

Students for a Free Tibet-India

INAUGURAL SPEECH OF KALON TRIPA DR. LOBSANG SANGAY

Dharamsala, India

8th August 2011

My fellow Tibetans:

Today on this auspicious day when Guru Rinpoche, the great Indian yogi who spread Buddhism in Tibet, was born, and in the presence of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, our most revered leader, I accept, with deep humility, the post of the Kalon Tripa.

We invoke the spirit and call on the Gods and Goddesses of Tibet to watch over and guide us. My profound gratitude goes out to the overwhelming support of brave men and women in exile, and the enduring solidarity and support of our brave brothers and sisters in occupied Tibet. We are motivated by their support and sustained by their prayers.

Blessed spiritually by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and authorized politically to continue the extended historical legitimacy of the great institution of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I am here not as a result of my personal achievement but as a result of the hard work and sacrifices made by elder generations in Tibet and in exile. Today, I pledge to carry on and build upon this great legacy of our elders. I pledge to you, my fellow Tibetans, to strengthen and sustain our movement until freedom is restored in Tibet, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama returns to our homeland.

Over one century ago, in 1910, His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama, took one last glance at the Potala Palace before leaving his homeland and promised to his people “I shall return” Our ancestors at the time did not have modern education and sophistication, but with dedication and unity they work tirelesslyto make the return of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama possible.His Holiness returned to Lhasa in early 1913 and reaffirmed Tibet’s independence from China.

Almost half a century later, the same pledge to return was poignantly repeated by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama as he departed Lhasa on the fateful night of March, 17, 1959. Today, the responsibility to help ensure the return of His Holiness is with our generation of Tibetans who have modern education and sophistication. But do we have dedication, unity and commitment to make tireless effort like our ancestors? If we do, we will prevail. If we don’t, we fail.

No doubt, our task is of Himalayan proportion. But we take inspiration from thousands of other brave Tibetans who, throughout our history, have given up their lives and devoted their hearts to Tibet. We have been tragically separated by force, not by choice, and, we will reach the mountaintop of freedom to reunite Tibetans on both sides of Himalayas.

I promise to work to fulfill the vision of His Holiness the 14^th Dalai Lama to create a truly secular democratic society. This year’s dynamic Tibetan election demonstrated to the world our commitment to genuine democracy and the universal principle of human freedom. Our democratic election reveals that Tibetan unity is built upon and sustained by universal democratic principles that transcend region, sect, gender, and generations.

The results of this election should send a clear message to the hardliners in the Chinese government that Tibetan leadership is far from fizzling out “ we are democracy that will only grow stronger in years ahead. And we are here to stay.

Let me be very clear: our struggle is not against the Chinese people, nor is it against China as a country. Our struggle is against hard-line policies of the Chinese regime in Tibet. Our struggle is against those who would deny freedom, justice, dignity, and the very identity of Tibetan People. Chinese authorities and our Chinese friends alike must realize that grievances of Tibetan people are many and genuine.

Today, my fellow Tibetans, I reaffirm in the oath and aspiration forged by our forefathers “ a treaty signed more then a millennia ago by Tibet and China that pledged a great epoch when “Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet and Chinese in the land of China”

In 1950, when the Chinese Army first came to Tibet, they promised  “Socialist Paradise” for Tibetans. Some Tibetans helped build roads to Tibet from China and were paid in Silver coins for their labor. During that time, the Chinese soldiers were very polite and treated our ancestors kindly.

However, once the roads were built, tanks encircled strategic urban areas, lorries headed straight to the mineral-rich mountains and pristine forests: and Chinese workers arrived to exploit and mine billions of dollars of gold, copper, and uranium. Overnight, it seemed, something had changed. The polite Chinese soldiers changed and became overbearing, aggressive, and violent. They used their guns. Battles erupted. Death and destruction ensued.

The great epoch of happiness was put into peril. And since that time, I fear, Tibetans have become second class citizens in their own homeland.

The ongoing political repression, cultural assimilation, economic marginalization and environmental destruction in occupied Tibet is unacceptable. The construction of new Railway Line brings each day more heavy equipment to exploit mineral resources and more Chinese migrants to demographically dominate Tibet and dilute our rich culture and identity. Today’s empirical facts are startling: around seventy percent of the private sector is owned or run by Chinese, and more than fifty percent of public sector jobs of the local Communist Party cadre are also held by the Chinese. Meanwhile, nearly forty percent of our Tibetan brothers and sisters who have worked hard and earned university and high school degrees are unemployed. These statistics are made worse, as we all know, by Chinese officials who treat Tibet as their personal inheritance, and act as feudal lords.

But three years ago, in 2008, Tibetans men and women, young and old, nomads and farmers, monks and nuns, all rose up against the Chinese rule in Tibet – from Dromo to Dhartsedo, Ngari to Ngaba, from Lhasa to Lithang, from Kongpo to Kumbum. They spoke out against Chinese oppression and mistreatment and the universal slogan was: we want His Holiness the Dalai Lama return to Tibet. Let me be clear: the Tibetan Administration does not encourage protest in part because we cannot forget the harsh response Chinese authorities hand down in the face of free and peaceful expression.

However, it is our sacred duty to support and to be the voice for our voiceless and courageous compatriots.

After sixty years of misrule, Tibet is no Socialist Paradise that Chinese officials promised. There is no  “Socialism” in Tibet, but rather Colonialism. Tibet is not the “Paradise” that it could be: today, it is a tragedy because of the Chinese occupation. Chinese government ought to know it. Recently, many Chinese leaders have visited Lhasa to observe sixty years of “peaceful liberation”. The reality is that the anniversary was observed under undeclared martial law with troops holding automatic machine guns, marching in the streets of Lhasa, sharp shooters positioned on rooftops, tourists banned from visiting Tibet entirely. Bejing’s rule in Tibet is clearly unjust and untenable.

Despite the tragedy in Tibet, we want the world to know, especially Chinese friends, that we remain firmly committed to non-violence. We do not view China as a nation and Chinese as a people with malice but with respect. Guided by the wisdom of our forefathers and foremothers, we will continue the Middle-Way policy, which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within the People’s Republic of China. This, my fellow Tibetans, is a win-win proposition for both the Tibetans and the Chinese. We believe in a peaceful resolution for Tibet, which means a peaceful process and peaceful dialogue. We are also willing to negotiate with the Chinese government anytime, anywhere.

Let’s not forget: China aspires to be a superpower. It is the fastest growing major economy in the world and is backed by the largest army in the world. Sadly, however, China’s moral power is lacking behind. Moral power cannot be bought in the market or forced with military might. It has to be earned. As long as Tibetans are repressed, there will be resistance, and waning respect for China. Finding a lasting solution to the Tibet question will go a long way toward restoring China’s positive image in the minds and hearts of people around the world, as well as towards protecting its territorial integrity and sovereignty. The Chinese people in China and the Greater Chinese diasporic community have a key role to play in helping China overcome this moral deficiency.

I have sixteen years record of reaching out to hundreds of Chinese students and have organized conferences on Tibet between Chinese and Tibetan scholars at Harvard University. We will continue to reach out to the Chinese people to build mutual understanding and trust. I would like to extent our heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to the United States, Europe, international community and Tibet Support Groups for their enduring support. We appeal to them to continue to stand with us for justice, freedom, dignity, and equality, and to persuade Beijing to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully. A lasting solution to the situation in Tibet will be one of the most defining stories of the 21st century for it will reaffirm faith in humanity’s capacity to build peace, non-violence and universal freedom. This would be a victory not only for the Tibetan people, but for all the marginalized people around the world.

A just and speedy resolution of the issue of Tibet is in the interest of all Asia. For thousands of years, the Tibetan people served as responsible guardian of the environment of the world’s highest and largest plateau that is the source of ten major rivers that contribute to the livelihood of more than 2 billion human beings. China’s damming of rivers that originate from Tibet will undermine the livelihood of millions of people downstream in Asia. It is for this reason, millions of people in Asia have a vested interest in seeing that the Tibetan people are restored to their traditional role of being the responsible guardian of the environment of the Tibetan Plateau. This transcends politics. It touches upon the wellbeing and welfare of Asia.

We remain eternally grateful to the people and the government of India for offering the Tibetan people refuge and for allowing us to remain as guests for the past five decades. For those of us who live here, India is our second home. The Tibetan Administration will uphold and continue to honor the special relationship between the Tibetan and the Indian people. Our debt to the Indian government and its people is already enormous. But our work together continues. We humbly appeal for your continued support and kind consideration to treat Tibet as one of the core issues between India and China.

For the next five years, with unity, innovation and self-reliance as our guiding principles, the Tibetan Administration will strengthen the freedom movement, and sustain it for another fifty years, if need be. I urge Tibetans inside and outside to support the Lhakar Movement to be proud of and assert Tibetanness – to show solidarity, to embrace unity, and to keep alive the Tibetan spirit –  for together, I know we will foster a dynamic environment and strengthen Tibetan institutions and communities around the world.

Education will be our number one priority. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama has taught us, sharing knowledge is  way to achieve immortality. It is the beacon that will light the future of Tibet. We will strive to reach 10,000 professionals among 150,000 in exile and appeal to Tibetans inside Tibet to reach 100,000 in the next two decades.

We will also continue to professionalize the Tibetan Administration and ensure greater access and transparency through the integration of technology and social networking tools. To this end, in the months ahead we will establish a Tibet Policy Institute that will serve as an intellectual platform to envision, develop, and execute policies that will strengthen Tibet. We will also establish Sister Shichaks (settlements) to strengthen solidarity between Tibetans in India and the West and introduce Tibet Corps, a movement that will invite skills and know-how of Tibetans within and abroad to serve Tibet, and create employment for youth and build sustainable shichaks (settlements).

Along with all other Tibetans, I am profoundly grateful to Professor Samdhong Rinpoche for his leadership over the past decade. And I thank him and the able members of his cabinet for their heartwarming hospitality and productive support during this smooth transition of administrations. Going forward, I will abide by the Charter and Supreme Justice Commission, and extend my full co-operation and partnership to the honorable speakers and gentlemen and women of the fifteenth parliament, and lead our very capable and dedicated civil servants in the fulfillment of this pledge.

In conclusion, it is important to remember that the devolution of His Holiness the Dalai Lamaâ “political power is not at all solely to me as the Kalon Tripa, but to all Tibetans. His Holiness trust and belief in the people and our 50 years of consolidation of democratic institutions now will be challenged to survive and thrive independently, without his political involvement. So this is a test for each of us. It is a test, for the leadership in the judiciary, for the parliament and for the executive branch to live up to His Holiness expectations and to work as an effective and united entity. This is our challenge and our opportunity.

I speak with particular urgency to the younger generations of Tibetans. We need your support, your energy, and your talent to stand tall and march forward to freedom. Let us never forget: during our lifetime, our freedom struggle will meet the fate of justice or defeat. Tibet will either appear or disappear from the map of the world. Tibetans, as a people, will be alive or become a museum piece. Tibetan perseverance and pride, wit and will, courage and commitment, will be truly tested.

This is no time for simply criticism and cynicism. This is a time for courage, and a time for conviction. Above all, it is time for confidence in the belief that we are Tibetans and we can do it. The time has come for the younger generation to take a greater leadership role in both internal and international forums. Remember: if we do not, no one will.

Of this, we can be certain too, my fellow Tibetans: like the successful return of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama to Tibet, the opportunity will arise and our day will come. Like our dedicated and united ancestors, if we are not united and prepared to accept the challenges together, we will fail. Unity is paramount and it simply cannot be compromised; it is the bedrock of our movement. Any failure to attain unity will solely be our fault. We should do our utmost not to disappoint the majority of compatriots in Tibet who have put their faith in us, and who will be closely watching every step we take from today onward. However, thankfully we take comfort in the knowledge that His Holiness the Dalai Lama, our most revered leader, is very much in our midst to offer his wisdom.

During my first audience as the Kalon Tripa elect earlier this year, I was reminded by His Holiness the Dalai Lama that I was sitting on the same spot when I first met him nearly two decade ago, in 1992. His Holiness told me that my term as the Kalon Tripa will be good and I am committed to making his words come true. However, my two hands alone are not nearly enough. I request you to lend me your 12 million hands in realizing the words of the present Dalai Lama on the fateful night of March 17, 1959 that “he shall return” to Tibet.

For my brothers and sisters in Tibet, I say to you with confidence today: we will meet soon. Though I have never been allowed to set foot in Tibet, Tibet is in my heart each and every day. I am proud to be born a Tibetan and I will be proud to die as one. While I live, I am determined to fight for our freedom. My late father, like many of our parents, could not return to Tibet. But this, my fellow Tibetans, will not be the story of all Tibetans. Together, we will ensure the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet, reunite our people, and restore freedom in Tibet.

Today, we are in the holy land of India, where the Lord Shakyamuni attained Buddhahood. Next we will meet in the holy land of Tibet, where Buddhism is the heart and soul of six million Tibetans. We are always ready to embark on this epic journey from Dharamsala, the abode of Dharma, to Lhasa, the abode of Gods. From the town where His Holiness the Dalai Lama lives, to the city where he belongs.

This is our aspiration. This is our struggle. This is our dream. And with unity, innovation, and self-reliance as the guiding principles of six million Tibetans, victory will be ours. Long Live His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Bod Gyalo.

Statement of the outgoing Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche on

the oath-taking ceremony of the new Kalon Tripa

With profound respect to Your Holiness, the democratic leadership of the Tibetan people, you’re Excellencies, the honourable guests and the Tibetans in and outside Tibet. On the auspicious occasion of oath-taking ceremony of the third Kalon Tripa democratically elected by the Tibetan people, I happily and proudly offer my heartfelt greetings and congratulate to you all.

Today is a very special day on which this special ceremony takes place. This is a new chapter in Tibetan history in which a giant step is taken towards a genuine democracy. Today is also a beginning of a future where the Tibetan people will show courage and put great efforts for their common goal. The democratic system we practice here in exile is an example not only to people under occupation but also to others around the world. This will also be a valuable gift to the Tibetans inside Tibet when the time comes for all of us to be reunited in Tibet.

From the second century BC to the middle of the twentieth century for most of the time Tibet has been a sovereign independent country. Despite its small population, Tibet has a long and rich civilization with deep spiritual tradition and cultural heritage. Tibet also became a recognizably powerful country in Asia. Especially since the Great Fifth Dalai Lama established the Gaden Phodrang Government in 1642, which has been the legitimate government that ruled the whole of Tibet, the successive Dalai Lamas became the temporal and spiritual head of the Tibetan people to this day.

At a tender age of sixteen, His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama took the political leadership of Tibet from regent Tagdrag Rinpoche. It has been now sixty years since and this has become the longest duration that a Dalai Lama has provided able leadership to the Tibetan people. Despite the fact that this has been the hardest and the most testing period in Tibetan history, His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s charisma and the leadership has brought the Tibetan issue to the forefront of the international stage.

Though His Holiness the Dalai Lama, since the very young age, had the strong desire to introduce democratic system, the external circumstances did not allow him to do so when he was in Tibet. Immediately upon his arrival in exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama set up the democratic institutions and continued to educate the Tibetan people about democracy and its culture. Irrespective of the general public’s political maturity, His Holiness the Dalai Lama initiated the adoption of Charter for the Tibetans-in-Exile and introduced the processes to elect Sikyong or political leadership directly by the people, which ultimately brought to a complete democratic system for the exile Tibetan community. His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision and unceasing guidance for the last thirty years to build a democratic Tibetan polity, that is not dependent on him, has finally achieved. This is a great moment for all of us.

Your Holiness, the Kashag would like to offer our gratitude from the deepest bottoms of our hearts for your incomparable leadership during the hardest time in our history. Your Holiness has provided us the longest leadership and that your temporal and spiritual achievements far exceed the combined deeds of all the thirteen previous Dalai Lamas. Particularly, we will never be able to repay your kindness for introducing the democratic system, devolving your power to the elected Tibetan leadership and handing over the legitimate Tibetan government founded 369 years ago by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama to the democratically elected leaders.

We are deeply indebted to Your Holiness for your consistent and immensely compassionate guidance during the tenure of the 12th and 13th Kashag. We would like to pay our sincerest gratitude and at the same time ask your forgiveness for our inability to fulfil all your wishes.

Your Holiness, you are the Fourteenth Dalai Lama and the undisputed leader of the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet, and as a result Your Holiness has the full moral, political and legitimate authority to devolve all your powers and responsibilities. The devolution of your power and the transfer of your responsibilities were carried out according to appropriate legislative procedures, and there is no space for doubts and questions about the timeliness of the transition and the legitimacy or legality of the Central Tibetan Administration. The Kashag would like to emphasize here that a few people who raise doubts and scorn at Your Holiness’ visionary democratic steps to benefit the Tibetans should not be taken seriously by anyone.

Today’s transition is from an older generation who lack modern education to a new generation having excellent modern education. This is not only a special occasion that the Tibetans should record in its annals in golden letters but also a beginning of making a new history for our common future. Therefore, my colleagues and I would heartily like to congratulate Dr. Lobsang Sangay and offer our prayers that under your able leadership the situation of the Tibetan politics, administration and the community will move forward to attain great progress.

There is no doubt that the issue of Tibet will be resolved sooner or later if the policies and plans in tune with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision are followed. On the contrary, if other paths are followed, then it is difficult to predict the future destiny of Tibetan people.

Taking this opportunity, my colleagues and I would like to express our heartfelt gratitude to all Tibetans in and outside Tibet for their continued support during the tenure of the twelfth and thirteenth Kashag. We would like to urge you to provide the same support to the fourteenth Kashag as well. We regret for our inability to fulfil all the aspirations of the general public.

Finally, I pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the issue of Tibet be resolved and the day of reunification of Tibetans in Tibet and diaspora may come at the soonest. I now handover this 260-years- old seal, which signifies the legitimacy of the Kashag. The Seventh Dalai Lama bestowed this seal to the Kashag, when he re-established Kashag in 1751.

Samdhong Rinpoche

Outgoing Kalon Tripa

8 August 2011, Dharamsala

Note: This is the English translation. Should any doubt arise, please consider the Tibetan version final and authoritative.

Tibet: Authorities Defied As Tibetans Promote Cultural Security

Defying Chinese attempts to limit attendance at a meeting in Lithang, more than 5,000 monks, nuns and laypeople gathered for collective teachings and discussions on socio-cultural issues.

Below is an article published by Radio Free Asia:

Defying orders from Chinese authorities, more than 5,000 Tibetan monks, nuns, and laypeople gathered last week at a monastery in southwestern Sichuan province for talks to promote Tibetan cultural values and national unity, a Tibetan source living in India said.

The gathering—the fourth in a series of annual regional meetings—ran from July 15-24 [2011] and was held at Lithang Gonchen, the main monastery of Lithang county, in Sichuan’s Kardze (in Chinese, Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture.

Chinese authorities had at first attempted to limit the numbers of those attending, but finally declined to interfere, though security forces remained camped nearby throughout the event,  said Atruk Tseten, a member of the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies in Tibet’s India-based exile government.

Along with religious discussions, participants heard talks relating to social and cultural issues, including the importance of preserving the Tibetan language and the unity of Tibetans living in Tibet’s traditional three provinces of U-Tsang, Kham, and Amdo—all now ruled by China.

“This had a great impact on the younger Tibetans attending, and helped to uphold their identity as Tibetans,” Atruk Tseten said, citing information gathered from local officials and participants in the meeting.

At the beginning of the meeting, monastery officials instructed Tibetan laypeople attending to speak only in Tibetan and to wear traditional Tibetan dress, and levied fines on those heard using Chinese words in conversation.

Meeting organizers also discouraged civilian officials in the Lithang county seat from entering the monastery grounds, saying, ‘We will be doing some things you won’t like,’ Atruk Tseten said.

‘And if you do come, wear proper Tibetan clothing, and speak only in Tibetan or keep quiet,’ Tseten said the officials were told.

Tseten noted that Lithang Gonchen, the monastery hosting this year’s meeting, had sent invitations to over 100 other monasteries—both in Kardze and in neighboring prefectures—to take part, and that from 40 to 50 of these had sent participants.

Told by Chinese authorities that “no more than 1,000” Tibetans would be allowed to gather, Tseten said, Lithang monastery organizers replied that the invitations had already been sent and that no one would be turned away.

And though authorities sought to prevent participation by monks from restive Kirti monastery, also in Kardze, a delegation from that monastery also attended, Tseten said.

Kirti, the scene of a self-immolation protest against Chinese rule and the forced removal by authorities of about 300 monks earlier this year, is facing an ongoing “patriotic education campaign” by Chinese security forces, according to India-based monks Losang Yeshe and Kanyag Tsering.

“The monastery is still occupied and under surveillance by police, army, and special police forces inside and out, restricting all activity and movement of the monks,” Yeshe and Tsering said.

“Kirti monk Donyo Dorje, 34, has been sentenced to three years in prison and is now in the Mianyang prison near Chengdu, Sichuan,” they said.

“Three other youths were sentenced and are imprisoned at Mianyang, but their names and other details about them are not known,” Yeshe and Tsering added

Dalai Lama and Obama Meet to Talk About Tibet

WASHINGTON — President Obama met privately with the Dalai Lama, the exiled spiritual leader of Tibet, at the White House on Saturday, despite a warning from Beijing that the meeting would risk damaging relations between China and the United States.

Reflecting the diplomatic delicacy of the visit, the 44-minute meeting with the Dalai Lama — Mr. Obama’s second as president — was closed to the news media. China considers Tibet its territory and the Dalai Lama a separatist, although he favors self-rule rather than independence.

The Dalai Lama underscored that point in his conversation with Mr. Obama, according to a White House summary of the meeting. The White House statement also reflected the delicate balance Mr. Obama sought to strike, saying he expressed “strong support” for direct talks and a resolution between China and Tibet that protects both Tibetans’ rights and China’s claim to the territory. But Mr. Obama also “stressed the importance he attaches to building a U.S.-China cooperative partnership.”

“The president reiterated his strong support for the preservation of the unique religious, cultural and linguistic traditions of Tibet and the Tibetan people throughout the world,” the statement said. “He underscored the importance of the protection of human rights of Tibetans in China.”

The meeting came at a particularly delicate time as China, the largest creditor to the United States, has expressed concern about the risk of a default on American bonds if Mr. Obama and Republicans cannot break their impasse over raising the nation’s legal debt limit.

Beijing on Saturday reiterated its call for Mr. Obama to cancel the meeting, according to China’s official news agency, Xinhua. “The issue regarding Tibet concerns China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and we firmly oppose any foreign official to meet with the Dalai Lama in any form,” the Chinese Foreign Ministry said.

Mr. Obama declined to meet with the Dalai Lama in his first year as president, in October 2009, drawing international criticism as seeming to put economic interests with China ahead of human rights. The administration said the two would meet after Mr. Obama’s first trip a month later to China, where the United States was eager for Chinese cooperation in preventing nuclear proliferation in North Korea and Iran. Their introduction came the following February.

The Dalai Lama, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, has lived in exile in India since 1959, when China repressed a Tibetan uprising. He was in Washington for a Buddhist celebration.

Kashag’s Statement on the Occasion of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s
Seventy-Sixth Birthday Celebration

On this very auspicious occasion of the seventy-sixth birthday of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Kashag, on behalf of all Tibetans in and outside Tibet, would like to offer our heartfelt greetings and at the same time single-mindedly beseech Your Holiness to remain with us to dispel the suffering of all human beings and especially to guide the Tibetans as long as possible.

Today is a special day not only for the Tibetans but for people all over the world for whom a new champion of world peace was discovered. Taking this opportunity, the Kashag would like to offer our warm greetings to people all over world in general and particularly those who offer their support and stand in solidarity with Tibet and Tibetans. Throughout his entire life, His Holiness has been tirelessly working for the welfare of the Tibetan people and when Communist China violently annexed and occupied Tibet, His Holiness the Dalai Lama was forced to come into exile to protect Tibet and her rich cultural heritage, including the Buddha dharma. In exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama led more than 100,000 Tibetans and rehabilitating them in settlements and building various institutions to preserve Tibetan culture and religion. His Holiness has also established many schools where the younger generation of exile Tibetans can get opportunities to study both modern and traditional education. For over half a century, His Holiness the Dalai Lama widely travelled all over the world to speak and promote the principles of peace and compassion. As a result the Buddha dharma has spread to many parts of the globe and won the support of many people and nations, which helped sustain the issue of Tibet alive on the global forum. The just cause of Tibet has become an issue of interest and many stand in solidarity with Tibet. Moreover, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has abandoned the idea of victory for oneself and defeat for the other and initiated the principle of the Middle Way Approach to resolve the issue of Tibet, which has won overwhelming majority support from the Tibetans inside and in Diaspora. This has also led to an increasing number of truth- and peace-loving people and nations around the world to clearly see that the issue of Tibet is a just cause and that the Chinese Communist authorities’ position is wrong. In exile, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has also introduced democratic process with the establishment of democratic institutions such as the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, ratification of the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and the election of Kalon Tripa directly through popular people’s vote.

As the Tibetan people have more understanding of the democratic process and inculcate a higher level of democratic culture, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has recently devolved all his powers to an elected Tibetan leadership, which was the first time that such a historic step has been taken in Tibetan history. These are some of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s innumerable and immense achievements. On this extraordinary day, the Kashag would wish to gratefully thank and remember the visionary steps that His Holiness the Dalai Lama took in the democratization of the Tibetan polity and devolving all his powers to the elected Tibetan leadership, which will represent the six million Tibetans living in and outside Tibet and has empowered the elected leaders to continue to work hard. His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s democratization of the Tibetan polity has given the Tibetans the opportunity to make the issue of Tibet more global and strengthened the legitimacy of the exile administration. However, a few people in our community, who are not satisfied with His Holiness the Dalai Lama devolving all his powers, still continue to criticize him without recognizing and respecting his tireless work for Tibet and the Tibetans. Taking democratic rights as an excuse, these people, who do not have to shoulder any responsibility and who are devoid of any principle and moral values, use their glib tongues to express their dissatisfaction. It is clear that these are aimed neither to improve the democratic culture nor for the welfare of society or for the improvement of Tibetan political discourse. And the fact that the society at large ignores these unjustified criticisms without challenging nor to responding to them is a sign that, perhaps, our collective merit is exhausted.

On this special occasion, the 13th Kashag nearing its completion of term of office would like to pay our respect to the Tibetan people and at the same time would like to remind you the following. At this time when important changes are taking place in Tibetan political system, the exile community by abandoning regionalism and sectarianism, and by following democratic principles took active part and succeeded in electing a well-qualified new Kalon Tripa with immense majority support. This is a matter of pride and happiness as it signifies the unity among the Tibetans and it shows their political maturity. The Kashag would like to urge the Tibetans to uphold their spirit and determination by not being deterred by these political changes and His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s devolution of all his powers, and should further work hard to carry forward the empowerment of Tibetan polity. Regarding the Sino-Tibetan dialogue, we have made our stand clear through the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People and Note on the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People. Thus from our side there is nothing new to add. However, it seems that the present leadership of the People’s Republic of China has no desire to give any meaningful consideration of our Memorandum and its Note. But from our side, we have a firm determination to continue the dialogue process. Moreover, we have already formulated a clear stand and a firm base to carry forward the dialogue in accordance with any future change that may take place in the People’s Republic of China. In our continued effort towards the welfare of exile Tibetans and specifically the education and the future direction of the younger generation, many programmes regarding further improvements of the settlements are being carried out and the Basic Education Policy was introduced. Though these may have produced some positive results, there are many other programmes where we have not   satisfactorily succeeded as we had wished. However, we have no regret on our part for we tried and worked our level best. The Central Tibetan Administration managed to overcome our critical financial problems and presently the administration is self-reliant in terms of its basic needs. Due to recent political situation in Nepal, the Central Tibetan Administration has not been able to provide necessary support or to look after the welfare of the Tibetans living there. We are also deeply concerned and yet helpless that the Representative could not be appointed nor the Tibetan Welfare Association was able to register.  Even our desperate efforts to relocate Tibetan in Nepal to other places in order to downsize the population was miserably failed. Of late we have appointed a Nepalese citizen as a voluntarily liaison for the Tibetans, and we hope that he can solve some of the immediate problems that Tibetans living there face. We request the Tibetans there to cooperate with him as and when needed in accordance with local situation. Since 2008, many brave and determined Tibetans in Tibet have carried out a series of non-violent campaigns. Particularly in the last few months, many people in Kirti Monastery and in several places including Kardze have selflessly taken part in peaceful protests. We stand in solidarity with them and pay our heartfelt tribute to them. And we pray for the immediate release of all those who are imprisoned and those who are being persecuted. As the immediate and the ultimate wellbeing of all Tibetan people depends upon His Holiness the Dalai Lama, his long life is the sole basis of the Tibetan people’s welfare. It is a matter of immense happiness for us that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has time and again accepted to have a long life. Furthermore, recently when the civil servants of the Central Tibetan Administration presented a long-life offering, the state oracle envisaged that His Holiness the Dalai Lama was promised to live till the age of 113. However, the state oracle stated that it depends upon the deeds and conduct of the Tibetan people. Thus, the Kashag would like to urge all Tibetans to engage in actions that will not breach the wishes of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and at the same time to work hard in preserving our traditional values.

Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the immediate fulfilment of all his wishes. May the just cause of Tibet prevail soon!

Note: This is the English translation. Should any discrepancy arise, the Tibetan version should be considered the final authority.

What China could learn from the Dalai Lama By Lobsang Sangay, Published: July 4

Wednesday, on his 76th birthday, His Holiness the Dalai Lama will be honored at Verizon Center by 11,000 people, including Arun Gandhi and Martin Luther King III, the grandson and son of the two stalwarts of nonviolence.

This spring, when people put their lives on the line for democracy during the Jasmine Revolution, with Col. Moammar Gaddafi still shedding blood to hold on to power in Libya, and despite impassioned appeals by Tibetans, the Dalai Lama devolved all his political power to democratically elected Tibetan leaders. That means that the Dalai Lama gave up his constitutional power to dismiss the Tibetan parliament, judiciary and executive; to sign or veto bills; to summon emergency meetings; and to appoint representatives and envoys abroad.

The decision of the 14th Dalai Lama to end the 400-year reign as the Tibetan people’s political leader shocked many Tibetans and the world at large. But this development was neither abrupt nor surprising.

In fact, it was a long time in coming.

For decades, the Dalai Lama had been quietly dismantling the traditional theocratic­aristocratic system of his position and preparing Tibetans for the day he would not be at the helm.

The Dalai Lama’s democratic changes began as early as 1954, with the establishment of a reform committee to exempt poor farmers and indigent Tibetans from heavy taxes. But the committee was disrupted by the invading forces of Communist China.

After Tibet was occupied, the Dalai Lama arrived in India in 1959. His vision of a secular democratic society began to be realized. In 1960, at the behest of the then-25-year-old Dalai Lama, Tibetans elected their first parliament; soon, Tibetan women were elected as representatives. Tibet’s first democratic constitution, adopted in 1963, included, at his insistence, a provision to allow for the impeachment of the Dalai Lama.

In 1991, amid the “Third Wave” of democracy, the Tibetan parliament was expanded and empowered to elect the cabinet, which had been the prerogative of the Dalai Lama as the head of state.

In 2001, on the eve of the “color revolutions” in Eastern Europe, the Dalai Lama declared himself semi-retired and introduced direct election of the head of the cabinet (known as Kalon Tripa, the position is equivalent to prime minister). Samdhong Rinpoche won with 90 percent of the votes.

This past March, after delegating all his political powers to elected leaders, the Dalai Lama rejected an appeal to stay on as the nominal head of state.

Tibet’s constitution, which guides primarily the exile administration, was ratified to reflect the new state of affairs. The Kalon Tripa, as the legitimate political leader of the administration, now signs bills into law, appoints representatives and envoys, and implements major policies.

This transition doubtless has been a source of anxiety for many Tibetans. This moment, however, also provides an opportunity to work toward a more secular, stronger and sustainable Tibetan freedom movement.

For Tibetans, this is uncharted territory. But there are indications that Tibetans are gearing up to accept the new challenges.

The Dalai Lama’s power transfer was accompanied by an unprecedented election on March 20, when Tibetans in 30 countries — from Asia to Europe to North America and beyond — cast ballots to elect a new Kalon Tripa and members of parliament. Tibetans in Tibet followed this historic election closely; the process demonstrated the indomitable spirit and resilience of the Tibetan people.

The election sent a clear message to Beijing that leadership of the Tibetan freedom movement has been entrusted to a younger generation that will build on the legacy and hard work of their elders over the past five decades.

The Dalai Lama’s retirement from politics also proves wrong the Chinese government’s propaganda that the Dalai Lama is not a religious figure but a politician.

It is a pity that the Chinese Communist Party is obsessed with the Dalai Lama’s political role and resorts to the blame game, when China’s primary concern should be the future of Tibet and its people.

Meanwhile, confusion abounds in Tibet about the Dalai Lama’s role thanks to the lack of information and transparency.

This moment poses a test for the authoritarian regime in China. Tibet has endured 50 years of rule by force. The current state of affairs in Tibet — undeclared martial law, with ongoing protests in Kirti and Kardze and a ban on tourists — shows that Beijing’s rule in Tibet has failed. Instead of hosting indicted war criminals such as Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir in the Great Hall, Beijing’s leadership has a golden opportunity to prove its sincerity, garner good will and improve the image of China if it would, as the Dalai Lama devolved his political authority, devolve its power to Tibetans to resolve the issue of Tibet.

Whatever happens, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has proven that he is a democrat.

The writer, until recently a senior fellow at Harvard Law School, will assume the post of Kalon Tripa on Aug. 8.

The legitimacy and role of the Central Tibetan Administration

Posted on 20 Juni 2011

by Kelsang Gyaltsen, Envoy of H. H. the Dalai Lama

Once again the small Tibetan world in exile seems to be torn apart by an emotional and political dispute over the devolution of the administrative and political powers of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the democratically elected organs of the Tibetan Administration and over the change of the title of “Tibetan Government-in-Exile” in Tibetan language to “Central Tibetan Administration”. The tone of the debate is often agonizing, bitter and self-lacerative reflecting the self-pitying and self-dramatizing psyche of some of the debating Tibetans. This way, the discourse has so far been rather self-defeating and demoralizing than helping to clarify and better understand the issues involved.

The primary objective of these changes is to ensure the continuity of the Tibetan freedom struggle led by the Central Tibetan Administration. The changes demonstrate the political will and determination of the Tibetan leadership to continue the Tibetan freedom struggle as long as it takes by laying the ground and positioning itself in a way that allows it to function and operate in future in spite of any vicissitude in the international political environment. The devolution of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s political powers to the democratically elected leaders of the Central Tibetan Administration is to be seen and understood as a demonstration of his faith in the political maturity and determination of the Tibetan people – especially the younger generation of Tibetans inside Tibet as well as in exile.

This is, I believe, the central message that the changes embody and the Tibetan leadership wishes to convey to Tibetans, the Chinese leadership and the international community.

This is clearly an initiative that demonstrates strength, self-confidence, determination and resourcefulness on the part of the Tibetan leadership. This spirit of steely political will and commitment to our freedom struggle is evident from the amendments to the Charter of the Tibetans in exile. The amendments make it clear that His Holiness will fully vest the Central Tibetan Administration and in particular its democratic leadership organs with the powers and responsibilities formerly held jointly by him and the Central Tibetan Administration to represent and serve the whole people of Tibet. The new preamble to the Charter underlines “safeguarding the continuity of the Central Tibetan Administration as the legitimate governing body and representative of the whole Tibetan people, in whom sovereignty resides”. It also enshrines Tibet’s position as a sovereign nation from the early 2nd century BC until the invasion by the People’s Republic of China in 1951, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s efforts in introducing democratic reforms after coming into exile in India since 1959.

Against this background there is absolutely no basis to contend that the Central Tibetan Administration has given up the mandate to represent the entire people of Tibet as a consequence of the recent changes. On the contrary, politically and legally the legitimacy of the Central Tibetan Administration to represent the Tibetan people has been strengthened by completing the process of democratization. Sovereignty resides with the people of Tibet. Consequently, the more complete the Tibetan authority is constituted by a free and fair democratic process the greater its legitimacy to represent the aspirations of the Tibetan people.

On arriving in exile in India in 1959 His Holiness the Dalai Lama stated that wherever he and his Kashag (Cabinet) are the people of Tibet will continue to consider them as their government and true representatives. His Holiness established the Central Tibetan Administration under the direction of his Kashag in order to actively pursue the cause of Tibet, to draw the attention of the world to the tragedy unfolding in Tibet and to seek the international community’s help in protecting the Tibetan people as well as to look after about 80’000 Tibetan refugees arriving in India.

The official name of this administration has been “The Central Tibetan Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama”. Our official letter-head and seal display this description. In all our external relations we introduce ourselves as the Central Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We did not seek legal or political recognition as “the Tibetan Government-in-exile” as such confident that the Tibetan people regarded His Holiness and the Central Tibetan Administration as their government and true representatives, this being the continued source of legitimacy.

Right from the beginning of our exile it seems that it has been of great importance to His Holiness to make clear that he is not staking any claims to power and rule for himself and or his administration. The primary task of our exile has always been to seek justice for Tibet and to restore the basic rights and freedoms of the Tibetan people.

There is no serious dispute about the fact that the people of Tibet will continue to regard the Central Tibetan Administration as their true authority as long as the leadership of the Central Tibetan Administration has the blessing and full backing of His Holiness the Dalai Lama – irrespective of the recent changes. Only the people of Tibet can decide whom they consider and accept as their true representatives. Although Tibetans inside Tibet cannot vote in the democratic elections of the Central Tibetan Administration, they demonstrate their support and adherence to it in in many ways, despite the severe risks of doing so. If an individual Tibetan, living in freedom in exile, decides to consider the Central Tibetan Administration from now on as a non-governmental organisation because of the recent changes – this is his or her personal free choice and decision alone.

Every Tibetan with some sense of political awareness and responsibility knows that one of His Holiness’ political credos has always been: To hope for the best and to prepare for the worst. In the past decades of our freedom struggle the Tibetan people and the cause of Tibet have been served well by and have benefited immensely from this wise approach of His Holiness.

It is no news to people with an interest in China that Beijing has been demonstrating in recent time that it won’t be shy about playing hardball to safeguard what it claims to be its “core national interest”. China watchers attest to a reawakened resolve on the part of the Chinese leadership to do whatever it takes to defend “core interests” such as their claims regarding Taiwan and Tibet. The Central Party School strategist, Gong Li, is quoted as saying “Beijing should not yield a single inch as far as Taiwan and Tibet are concerned”. It is an open secret that China uses coercive diplomacy on other countries to assert its position. A good example is, among a growing number of other cases and signs, of the use and impact of China’s coercive diplomacy are Nepal’s recent policies towards our compatriots in that country. It is common knowledge that the acceptance and adherence to the principle of “One China Policy” is a precondition by China for the resumption of diplomatic relations with any government in the world.

Looking ahead and taking precautionary measures with the aim to coping with any political vicissitudes in the future is an act of responsible and prudent political leadership.

Far from appeasing China these initiatives by His Holiness represent a number of new challenges to the Chinese leadership. First of all they dismember the basic tenets of the Chinese justification propaganda narrative of “liberation”, as well as of their claim that the Dalai Lama is bent on the “restoration of feudal theocracy” and they bring into question their calculations on the issue of reincarnation. On a more practical and concrete political level His Holiness the Dalai Lama is once again making unambiguously clear that he has no personal demands to make to the Chinese leadership. He is putting the rights and welfare of the Tibetan people right in the forefront of the Sino-Tibetan dialogue. He is making clear that the fundamental issue that needs to be resolved is the faithful implementation of genuine autonomy that will enable the Tibetan people to govern themselves in accordance with their own genius and needs.

By devolving his political powers His Holiness is once again emphasising that his engagement for the cause of Tibet is not for the purpose of claiming certain personal rights or political positions, nor in order to stake claims for the Tibetan administration in exile. Once a satisfactory agreement with China is reached, the Central Tibetan Administration will be dissolved and it is the Tibetans in Tibet who should carry the main responsibility of administering Tibet.

Even after the amendments of the Charter the political mandate of the Central Tibetan Administration continues to be to serve the people of Tibet by acting as the free voice of our captive nation and representing the people’s aspirations in the wider world. In contrast to the Chinese Communist Party, it makes clear beyond any doubt that the Central Tibetan Administration is not seeking power to rule over Tibet. The sole task and purpose of the Central Tibetan Administration is no more and no less than to lead the struggle for the rights of the Tibetan people to freely determine their own affairs and to live in freedom and dignity in the land of snow that is our home.

The change of the title in Tibetan of our Administration only reemphasises this basic position of the Central Tibetan Administration without renouncing the legitimacy of representing the voice and aspiration of the people of Tibet