Why Doesn’t the China-appointed Panchen Lama Speak Out?

Bhuchung K Tsering

http://weblog.savetibet.org

April 25, 2011

Today is the 22nd birthday of the Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, who has continued to remain under virtual detention somewhere in  China since 1995. He disappeared when he was a six year old child and if and when he is released he will be a man denied of his normal childhood upbringing.

As a way of recalling the role of this institution in modern Tibetan history, I read some of the published public talks given by the previous Panchen Lama this morning. As is well known he has been vocal and openly critical of both Tibetans as well as the Chinese government on matters of preservation of Tibetan religious and cultural identity.  He may have voiced the Chinese official rhetoric but he has also shown that being a “good citizen” of the People’s Republic of China does not mean one should deny one’s Tibetan heritage or be denied of the same by the Chinese authorities.

I also thought of the other 22 year old individual who is part of this matrix.  He is of course Gyaltsen Norbu, the Chinese Government appointed Panchen Lama. In 2010 his position was formally politicized by the Chinese

authorities when they appointed him to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Committee.  Continuous efforts are being made by various organs of the Chinese Government to project Gyaltsen Norbu as the face of the contented Tibetans in today’s China . But as I wrote on March 4, 2010, “Truth be told, as of now he does not enjoy the confidence nor the reverence of the Tibetan people (the Chinese government knows this and so is constantly trying to find ways to impress the Tibetan people, including highlighting his tri-lingual capabilities) no matter how many photos and videos that the authorities may show of Tibetan people revering him. Spiritual faith comes from the heart and not through arranged photo ops. Therefore, the jury is out on which direction he is heading. This is also a challenge to Beijing .”

As I re-read this piece, I had this thought:  If Gyaltsen Norbu is a Tibetan Buddhist leader and has been provided with the necessary spiritual upbringing for the past nearly two decades or so, instead of mouthing political

rhetoric, why is he not addressing the issue of Tibetan religion, culture and way of life, as the previous Panchen Lama used to do?   In fact, leaving aside Gedhun Choekyi Nyima’s spiritual identity, why is Gyaltsen Norbu not reprimanding the authorities for denying an innocent Tibetan Buddhist a normal upbringing? I am quite sure that the 10th Panchen Lama would have done it.

The International Campaign for Tibet’s press statement today has rightly pointed out that the “enforced disappearance of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, is a continuous crime being committed by the People’s Republic of China” as defined in the UN Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and that this “is a continuous crime until the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person becomes known.” This is a challenge that China will continue to face.

But this is also a challenge to Gyaltsen Norbu, too. The fundamental reason why a Tibetan Buddhist leader chooses to be reborn is to work for his spiritual community and to further the work of the previous incarnation. Is Gyaltsen Norbu able to live up to the expectation of the institution to which he has been thrust by the Chinese political system

APPEAL from His Holiness the Dalai Lama
The current situation prevailing at Kirti Monastery in Ngaba in northeastern Tibet is extremely grim because of the stand-off between the Chinese military forces and the local Tibetans. The monastery, housing approximately 2500 monks, is completely surrounded by Chinese armed forces, who at one point prevented vital food and other supplies from entering the monastic compound.
The local Tibetans fearing that this siege on Kirti Monastery is a prelude to large scale detention of the monks have surrounded the soldiers blockading the monastery and have filled the roads so as to prevent Chinese trucks and vehicles either entering or leaving Kirti.
The local Chinese blockade of Kirti Monastery began on 16 March 2011, when a young Tibetan monk at the monastery tragically set himself on fire as a way of observing the third anniversary of the widespread peaceful protests that shook Tibet in 2008. Instead of putting out the flames, the police beat the young monk which was one of the causes of his tragic death. This act created huge resentment among the monks, which resulted in this massive blockade of Kirti Monastery.
I am very concerned that this situation if allowed to go on may become explosive with catastrophic consequences for the Tibetans in Ngaba.
In view of this I urge both the monks and the lay Tibetans of the area not to do anything that might be used as a pretext by the local authorities to massively crackdown on them.
I also strongly urge the international community, the governments around the world, and the international non-governmental organizations, to persuade the Chinese leadership to exercise restraint in handling this situation.
For the past six decades, using force as the principle means in dealing with the problems in Tibet has only deepened the grievances and resentment of the Tibetan people. I, therefore, appeal to the Chinese leadership to adopt a realistic approach and to address the genuine grievances of the Tibetans with courage and wisdom and to restrain from using force in handling this situation.
The Dalai Lama
April 15, 2011

Global Times and Tibetan Religious Sentiments
Bhuchung K. Tsering

Home

April 18, 2011
When Global Times first began publication I had hopes that it signalled the beginning of a process in China that could encourage an alternative view, other than that of the Chinese Government. Even though financed and controlled by the Chinese Communist Party, initial contents of the newspaper gave the indication that it would not be mere official propaganda mouthpiece. I have particularly been following its coverage of news relating to Tibet and sensed that it was making efforts to see the other side of the picture, too. Unfortunately, Global Times has now turned out to be just another old wine in a new bottle. I guess the winners in this are only those foreign and domestic consultants who have financially benefited from advising China into making Global Times a vehicle of its soft power outreach and then turning it into yet another propaganda machine. Global Times has failed its readers.
Just take the Global Times editorial today (April 18, 11) headlined “Confrontation under religious auspices” relating to the developments at the Tibetan Buddhist monastery of Kirti in Amdo (located in Sichuan Province ). (see ICT’s reports on the ongoing situation at Kirti Monastery) Rather than looking at the complexity of the development that led to unrest in the monastery, which includes a self-immolation by a monk there, editorial merely puts the issue as being The Chinese police intervened to control lamas that had stirred up trouble.” How convenient and shallow it is to describe Chinese security force’s virtual transformation of the historical monastery into a prison and the clampdown that continues as I write this. Of course, if there is trouble and that trouble is caused by illegal activities then the Chinese police have the right to intervene, is the thought process that the newspaper would like its readers to have.
That is the stream of justification in the rest of the story.
The first sentence of this news report seems to indicate that it has been provoked by His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s message issued on April 15,2011 regarding the situation in Kirti Monastery. I really wonder whether the individuals who were tasked with writing the editorial have seen the entire text of the Dalai Lama’s message. This is because his message only advises the monastic community and the people there to exercise restraint saying, “I urge both the monks and the lay Tibetans of the area not to do anything that might be used as a pretext by the local authorities to massively crackdown on them.” Secondly, His Holiness called on the international community “to persuade the Chinese leadership to exercise restraint in handling this situation.”
May be the following sentence in the Dalai Lama’s message struck a nerve. “For the past six decades, using force as the principle means in dealing with the problems in Tibet has only deepened the grievances and resentment of the Tibetan people. I, therefore, appeal to the Chinese leadership to adopt a realistic approach and to address the genuine grievances of the Tibetans with courage and wisdom and to restrain from using force in handling this situation.”
For its entire political claim over Tibet, the various actions by the Chinese authorities indicate that they treat Tibetan religion and culture as something “foreign” and not worthy of respect and reverence. China has no qualms in seeking recourse for “hurting the sentiments of the Chinese people” when foreigners indulge in actions that may impinge on the PRC’s interest. But when it comes to respecting the religious sentiments of the Tibetan people, Chinese security forces can throw caution to the wind, enter religious institutions on a whim and hold hostage the entire monastic community denying them even food and water, without even appearing to investigate into the issue first.
Rather than recognizing the international community’s concern as an indication of China’s increasing global role that comes with the expectation of global responsibility, the editorial puts its foot in its mouth by saying, “the troublemakers and their foreign supporters must be aware that the involvement of religious people in secular politics is not welcome.” Pray, are they talking about the man they have selected as the Panchen Lama or what? May be we should refresh Global Time’s memory by drawing its attention to its issue of March 1, 10, which had a story that said, “The 11th Panchen Lama Bainqen Erdini Qoigyijabu was among 13 people who on Sunday be came new members of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the country’s top advisory body.”
Global Times then simplifies the Tibetan issue by saying, “every problem in Tibet is caused by a few lamas, who have betrayed and stained the Buddhist concept of peace. However, they seem to have forgotten that they are still citizens of the People’s Republic of China. The law will not make concessions to them.”
Actually, actions like the one that is going on in the Kirti Tibetan Buddhist monastery are clear proof that Chinese authorities do not seem to regard the Tibetan people as being equal citizens of the People’s Republic of China.
While keeping aside the condescending reference to “concessions” or even distorting the name of the monastery by calling it “ Aba Gulden Temple,” Global Times should see if Tibetans really enjoy the rights guaranteed to them by China ‘s own Constitution and the Law on Regional National Autonomy.

The Dalai Lama Will Retire.

By Bhuchung D. Sonam

Yeshi Tsomo is 74-years-old. When asked about His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s retirement from Tibetan politics her face melts into a pool of tears. This is the fundamental problem. Emotions of the Tibetan people, both in and outside Tibet, become so elevated on this issue that the possibility of any logical analysis and factual decision dies. We must, as Bob Dylan sang, “take the rag away from [y]our face/Now ain’t the time for your tears.”

Retirement Conundrum

Misunderstandings regarding the Dalai Lama’s wish to retire are widespread among the Tibetans and also in the media, some of which reported that the Dalai Lama is “retiring from being the Dalai Lama”. His Holiness states his powers should be devolved and that the involvement of the institution of the Dalai Lama in the Tibetan Government must now cease. But, as one among six million Tibetans, the Dalai Lama will continue to serve the
cause of Tibet. This is a historic decision and the culmination of the democratization process that His Holiness started since coming into exile in April 1959.

This decision stems from his belief that “the essence of a democratic system is, in short, the assumption of political responsibility by elected leaders for the popular good.” In 2001, the Tibetans in exile directly elected their prime minister for the first time and on 20 March this year, the exile community will vote both for the prime minister and members of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile. Over the past ten years the Kashag (cabinet) headed by the prime minister has been taking the day-to-day administrative responsibilities and the Dalai Lama’s role has dramatically reduced. However, in order for the Tibetan democratization process to be complete, His Holiness states that “the time has come for me to devolve my formal authority to such an elected leadership.”

This is a pragmatic political decision involving the long-term interests of the Tibetan struggle and the survival of Tibet as a nation without having to depend on one person. There is no space for emotional outbursts and counterfactual arguments. Healthy debates, especially among the younger generation, have already started in social networks. This must continue, informed by full understanding of His Holiness’ decision and with full knowledge of its impacts.

Impacts

In 1642, the Fifth Dalai Lama founded the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet. Since then the successive Dalai Lamas have provided leadership for nearly four centuries. Few governments in the world today can trace their institutional and legal origins so far back in history. Hence the institution of the Dalai Lama has great historical legitimacy. Additionally, because of his tireless work for Tibet, the 14th Dalai Lama is universally recognized by Tibetans in and outside Tibet as their undisputed leader. Today the issue of Tibet is synonymous with the Dalai Lama.

Immediately after coming into exile, the Dalai Lama established the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, officially known as the Central Tibetan Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Since then, the exile government under the Dalai Lama set up as many as 12 foreign missions all under the auspices of His Holiness’ name. These missions and other establishments are essential to bring the issue of Tibet to their respective countries and to to assert the just cause of Tibet in international forums.

How will the offices of Tibet continue to operate under the Dalai Lama’s name if the institution of the Dalai Lama is delinked from the Tibetan government? In fact, how will the entire exile establishment function and survive without the Dalai Lama?

The question can be also raised regarding the roles of the Dalai Lama’s special envoys through which talks with China are held. Since world leaders, including Barack Obama, urge the Chinese leadership to talk with the Dalai Lama and his envoys, how an elected Tibetan leadership can impress upon the international audience — and more importantly leaders of the free world — to pressure China to talk with them? How can a Tibetan government not led by the Dalai Lama command legitimacy and the loyalty of Tibetans in and outside of Tibet.

These are absolutely difficult and crucially important questions without easy solutions. But delaying these eventualities will make things worse.
Having experienced occupation, exile, traveling the world and meeting with numerous leaders, His Holiness understands the complex global political situation and its impact on Tibet better than any other Tibetan. Thus, His Holiness states that the Tibetan must implement a system of governance while he “… will still be able to help resolve problems if called upon to do so”.

This is a testament to his enduring and tireless work for Tibet. This is reassurance enough for the Tibetan people to bury their emotions, wipe their tears and work to establish a democratic system based on informed and mature decisions.

The Challenges

As I write this, the 11th session of the 14th Tibetan Parliament in Exile is discussing the Dalai Lama’s decision to devolve his powers to the elected leadership. In the annals of Tibetan history, the decisions that come out of this session will be crucial.

Yesterday, when the Speaker read His Holiness’ statement many members of parliament were in tears. Later, when the media interviewed some of them, they found it hard to control their emotions. This is understandable. Tibetans inside Tibet must feel even worse. The issue is not only about the Dalai Lama’s devolution of powers but also changing the title of the Ganden Phodrang Government headed by the Dalai Lamas for nearly four centuries.

But soaking handkerchiefs and banging chests does not help. Decisions must not be taken in heightened emotional states, which often turn out to be counterfactual, incorrect and damaging in the long run. The test before the parliament is to find a viable legal solution, in which His Holiness is freed from all the ceremonial and administrative responsibilities but, perhaps, still remains the head of state. This is important because the Dalai Lama has historical legitimacy and complete trust of the Tibetan populace. Besides, any elected leadership in exile may find it hard to maintain the offices of Tibet and other vital democratic institutions without the legitimacy of the Dalai Lama’s name and global reach.

However, this is not the solution that His Holiness desires, which is to simply be one among the six million Tibetans and serve Tibet accordingly. More importantly, His Holiness wants to separate the institution of Dalai Lama from that of the Tibetan government. If members of the parliament are to fulfil this, they must be bold enough to use their political vision and acumen to make amendments in the Charter for Tibetans-in-exile so that a functioning system of governance can be instituted in exile without the Dalai Lama. “Now, a decision on this important matter should be delayed no longer,” wrote His Holiness in his statement.

The Positive Outcomes

The genius of the legislative body will lie in instituting a democratic system so that a complete transformational operation on the structure of the exile government does not have to be performed immediately, but at the same time fulfils the Dalai Lama’s wishes. If such a system is in place, then there will be a clear demarcation between the political issue of the six million Tibetans and that of the person of the Dalai Lama. This is crucial since the Chinese authorities make the issue of Tibet synonymous with that of the Dalai Lama’s personal status. Besides, the Dalai Lama working for the Tibetan cause as an individual — “as one among the six million Tibetans” — will be more legitimate, more democratic and more long-term.

A democratic system sans the Dalai Lama will also make it easier for the Middle Way Policy to be reviewed, re-analyzed and amended if necessary. Currently, any challenge to this policy and discussions on other strategies such as Rangzen are affected by emotions. On one online forum a Rangzen advocate was branded as ‘against’ His Holiness. Additionally, if a time comes when Rangzen becomes the official policy, then the Chinese authorities won’t be able to call the Dalai Lama a ‘separatist’ engaged in ‘activities splitting China’.

Whatever solutions the exile parliament may come to, they must bear in mind that His Holiness’ decision is for the long-term benefit of the Tibetans — that a democratic system led by a popularly elected leadership becomes more stable, longer lasting and is more in tune with changing times than depending on one person. Fear of temporary shake-ups must not prevent them from paving ways for the future.

The Tibetan people, in and outside Tibet, need to realize that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has tirelessly served Tibet since the age of sixteen. He turns 76 this year. The least that Tibetans can do is to be less selfish and carry out our duties to give him some time and personal freedom. His Holiness does not say that he is going into a cave nor is shirking any responsibilities. His Holiness simply wants to be one among the Tibetans and “as long as Tibetans place their trust and faith in me,” he says, “I will continue to serve the cause of Tibet.”

So stop soaking your handkerchiefs and start carrying out your duties.

The writer can be reached at bhuchungdsonam@gmail.com

Message of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Fourteenth Assembly
of the Tibetan People’s Deputies
March 14th 2011
To the members of the Fourteenth Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies,
It is common knowledge that ancient Tibet, consisting of three provinces (Cholkha-sum) was ruled by a line of forty-two Tibetan kings beginning with Nyatri Tsenpo (127 BCE), and ending with Tri Ralpachen (838 CE). Their rule spanned almost one thousand years. During that time, Tibet was known throughout Inner Asia as a powerful nation, comparable in military power and political influence with Mongolia and China. With the development of Tibetan literature, the richness and breadth of the religion and culture of Tibet meant that its civilisation was considered second only to that of India.
Following the fragmentation of central authority in the 9th century, Tibet was governed by several rulers whose authority was limited to their respective fiefdoms. Tibetan unity weakened with the passage of time. In the early 13th century, both China and Tibet came under the control of Genghis Khan. Although Drogon Choegyal Phagpa restored the sovereignty of Tibet in the 1260s, and his rule extended across the three provinces, the frequent change of rulers under the Phagmo Drupas, Rinpungpas and Tsangpas over the next 380 years or so resulted in a failure to maintain a unified Tibet. The absence of any central authority and frequent internal conflicts caused Tibet’s political power to decline.
Since the Fifth Dalai Lama’s founding of the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet in 1642, successive Dalai Lamas have been both the spiritual and temporal leaders of Tibet. During the reign of the Fifth Dalai Lama, all the 13 myriarchies or administrative districts of Tibet enjoyed political stability, Buddhism flourished in Tibet and the Tibetan people enjoyed peace and freedom.
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Tibet not only lacked adequate political governance, but also missed the
opportunity to develop effective international relations. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama assumed temporal power in 1895, but was compelled to flee to Mongolia and China in 1904, due to the invasion of British forces, and to India in 1910, when the Manchu China invaded. Once circumstances allowed him to return to Tibet, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama re-asserted Tibetan sovereignty in 1913. As a result of what he had learned in exile, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama introduced modern education and made reforms to strengthen the government of Tibet. Although these steps produced positive results, he was unable to fulfil his overall vision, as is evident from his last political testament of 1932, the year before his death. Despite the lacklustre political leadership and short- comings of the regents and their administrations, the Ganden Phodrang Government has on the whole provided stable governance for the last four centuries.
Since I was young, I have been aware of an urgent need to modernize the Tibetan political system. At the age of sixteen, I was compelled to assume political leadership. At that time I lacked a thorough understanding of Tibet’s own political system, let alone international affairs.
However, I had a strong wish to introduce appropriate reforms in accordance with the changing times and was able to effect some fundamental changes. Unfortunately, I was unable to carry these reforms any further due to circumstances beyond my control.
Soon after our arrival in India in April 1959, we set up departments with Kalons (Ministers) in charge of education, preservation of culture and the rehabilitation and welfare of the community. Similarly, in 1960, aware of the importance of democratization, the first Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies was elected and in 1963 we promulgated the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet.
No system of governance can ensure stability and progress if it depends solely on one person without the support and participation of the people in the political process. One man rule is both anachronistic and undesirable. We have made great efforts to strengthen our democratic institutions to serve the long-term interests of the six million Tibetans, not out of a wish to copy others, but because democracy is the most representative system of governance. In 1990, a committee was formed to draft the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and a year later the total strength of the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (ATPD), the Tibetans in exile’s highest law-making body, was increased. In 1991, the Eleventh ATPD formally adopted the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and assumed all legislative authority. Given the limitations of our life in exile these are achievements of which we can be proud.
In 2001, the Tibetan people elected the Kalon Tripa, the political leader, directly for the first time. Since then, I have been in semi-retirement, no longer involving myself in the day-to-day administration, but able to dedicate more time to general human welfare.
The essence of a democratic system is, in short, the assumption of political responsibility by elected leaders for the popular good. In order for our process of democratization to be complete, the time has come for me to devolve my formal authority to such an elected leadership. The general lack of experience and political maturity in our democratic institutions has prevented us from doing this earlier.
Given that the line of Dalai Lamas has provided political leadership for nearly four centuries, it might be difficult for Tibetans generally and especially those in Tibet to envisage and accept a political system that is not led by the Dalai Lama. Therefore, over the past 50 years I have tried in various ways to raise people’s political awareness and encourage their participation in our democratic process.
In my 10th March statement of 1969, for instance, I stated, “When the day comes for Tibet to be governed by its own people, it will be for the people to decide as to what form of government they will have. The system of governance by the line of the Dalai Lamas may or may not be there. In particular, the opinion of the forward- looking younger generation will be an influential factor.”
Similarly, in my 10th March statement of 1988, I stated, “As I have said many times, even the continuation of the institution of the Dalai Lama is for the people to decide.” Since the 1980s, I have repeatedly advised the Kashag, ATPD and the public that Tibetans should take full responsibility for the administration and welfare of the people as if the Dalai Lama were not there.
I informed the Chairman of the Thirteenth ATPD and the then Chief Justice Commissioner that I should be relieved of functions related to my political and administrative status, including such ceremonial responsibilities as the signing of bills adopted by the legislative body. However, my proposal was not even considered. On 31st August 2010, during the First Tibetan General Meeting (organized by ATPD), I explained this again in detail. Now, a decision on this important matter should be delayed no longer. All the necessary amendments to the Charter and other related regulations should be made during this session so that I am completely relieved of formal authority.
I want to acknowledge here that many of my fellow Tibetans, inside and outside Tibet, have earnestly requested me to continue to give political leadership at this critical time. My intention to devolve political authority derives neither from a wish to shirk responsibility nor because I am disheartened. On the contrary, I wish to devolve authority solely for the benefit of the Tibetan people in the long run. It is extremely important that we ensure the continuity of our exile Tibetan administration and our struggle until the issue of Tibet has been successfully resolved.
If we have to remain in exile for several more decades, a time will inevitably come when I will no longer be able to provide leadership. Therefore, it is necessary that we establish a sound system of governance while I remain able and healthy, in order that the exile Tibetan administration can become self-reliant rather than being dependent on the Dalai Lama. If we are able to implement such a system from this time onwards, I will still be able to help resolve problems if called upon to do so. But, if the implementation of such a system is delayed and a day comes when my leadership is suddenly unavailable, the consequent uncertainty might present an overwhelming challenge. Therefore, it is the duty of all Tibetans to make every effort to prevent such an eventuality.
As one among the six million Tibetans, bearing in mind that the Dalai Lamas have a special historic and karmic relationship with the Tibetan people, and as long as Tibetans place their trust and faith in me, I will continue to serve the cause of Tibet.
Although Article 31 of the Charter spells out provisions for a Council of Regency, it was formulated merely as an interim measure based on past traditions. It does not include provisions for instituting a system of political leadership without the Dalai Lama. Therefore, amendments to the Charter on this occasion must conform to the framework of a democratic system in which the political leadership is elected by the people for a specific term. Thus, all the necessary steps must be taken, including the appointment of separate committees, to amend the relevant Articles of the Charter and other regulations, in order that a decision can be reached and implemented during this very session.
As a result, some of my political promulgations such as the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet (1963) and Guidelines for Future Tibet’s Polity (1992) will become ineffective. The title of the present institution of the Ganden Phodrang headed by the Dalai Lama should also be changed accordingly.
With my prayers for the successful proceedings of the house.
Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama
11th March 2011
Note: Translated from the Tibetan original, which should be considered final and authoritative.

Why the Dalai Lama’s decision to step down was a wise one.
The India site
By Patrick French
Patrick French is the author of Tibet, Tibet: A Personal History of a Lost Land
Last week, the Dalai Lama stepped down as the political leader of the Tibetan people. Nobody could blame him for wishing to retire. He was chosen as Tibet’s leader by a system of reincarnation when he was just five years old, and it is understandable – seventy years later – that he might want to stand down. When he was 15, he was obliged to assume full
temporal power during the Chinese communist invasion.
Tibetans and non-Tibetans have an emotional attachment to the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, not only for his position but for his unique personal charisma. That is not going to change with his retirement from office. But it is important to detach our personal projections and feelings for the Dalai Lama from the fate of the Tibetan people – difficult though that might be. For those in search of spiritual guidance, he will always remain a beacon of compassion.
‘Might it be possible, the Dalai Lama asked, for Tibet to gain freedom through Gandhian methods of non-violent resistance’ Alternatively, could India help to bring about independence by some other means? Nehru was a sympathetic listener; he gave asylum to the Dalai Lama and 100,000 fleeing Tibetans. But he made it clear that India could never start a war for Tibetan independence, and that in his view, ‘the whole world cannot bring freedom to Tibet unless the whole fabric of the Chinese state is destroyed.’ Although the CIA was giving support to Tibetan rebels, Nehru – with his long experience of international politics – thought American and European support for the Tibetan cause was not sincere. In his view, ‘all they want is to exploit Tibet in their cold war with the Soviet Union.’ If the exiled leader went to the West in the hope of drumming up enthusiasm, said Nehru, he would be left looking ‘like a piece of merchandise.’
This was, over the decades, to become the Dalai Lama’s dilemma.
It was not until 1979 that he was even permitted to enter the United States. Cautiously at first, he tried to promote the cause of his country’s freedom and cultural identity abroad. It was only in the late 1980s – after protests and riots in Lhasa – that the Tibetan issue acquired a popular sheen in Western countries. Politicians, singers, movie stars and activists (myself included) became involved in a vociferous campaign to influence the Chinese government to negotiate with the Dalai Lama. This lobbying was not successful, and since the early 1990s Beijing has shown little sign of entering into serious or sincere negotiations with the Dalai Lama’s exiled administration.
In retrospect, it seems that the last window of opportunity for a constructive resolution of the Tibetan issue was during the Deng Xiaoping era in the 1980s. The Chinese leadership at this time made an active effort to secure a deal which would allow the exiles to return to Tibet. Since then, he has been personally vilified by Beijing. It has been apparent for more than a decade now that the chances of the Dalai Lama making further progress with the Chinese government were very remote. To pretend otherwise was a fiction promoted by pro-Tibet campaigners because they could not find an alternative way forward, such was the growing global economic power of China.
Inside Tibet, despite the practical and material advances, the Chinese government has failed signally to win the hearts and minds of the people. This impasse or deadlock flared up dangerously in 2008, when protests spread across many parts of China where Tibetans lived, and were brutally put down. Beijing’s strategy has been to wait it out, hoping that once the Dalai Lama passes away, the Tibetan issue will fade from international consciousness.
For this reason alone, the Dalai Lama’s decision to step down last week was a wise one. He has, in fact, been trying to retire for several decades. When he made an attempt in 2001, he did not get far. The Tibetan refugee community elected a Kalon Tripa or chief minister, who promptly suggested the Dalai Lama should retain all executive power. ‘I would now like to request His Holiness to rescind this decision,’ the Kalon Tripa said, ‘and continue to exercise his traditional administrative responsibilities.’
The problem is that as far as most Tibetans are concerned, the Dalai Lama is literally irreplaceable. No other culture has such reverence for its leader, who is usually referred to in Tibetan simply as ‘the Presence’. Roman Catholic respect for the Pope or Hindu reverence for sages and babas is simply not comparable. This devotion can be found equally among Tibetans inside Tibet and among those in exile. I remember while travelling in a remote part of western Tibet in 1999, meeting a young woman whose reverence for me was profound, simply because she heard I had been in the presence of the Presence. And the Dalai Lama had left Tibet before this woman was born.
If the future of the Tibetan people is to be secured – even in a messy and compromised form – it is vital the Dalai Lama does not renege on his decision to step down. He has already been pressed by Tibetans living in exile to reconsider. (It is harder to know what Tibetans inside Tibet are thinking, since the restrictions on them communicating with the outside world are severe, and they have no objective information about their own political situation.) The Dalai Lama has made the decision to step down in his lifetime because he knows it is in the long-term interest of the Tibetan people.
The exiles now have to elect a leader who can promote a more modern and pragmatic course of action. There needs to be a generational shift, and a new approach. They have to generate alternative sources of patronage and political impetus. They have to make sure that if, in the future, Beijing recognises or creates a new Dalai Lama, this ‘Chinese’ Dalai Lama is not seen as a plausible alternative. They have – crucially – to find original mechanisms to reach out to the Chinese people and to the Chinese government.
Ideally, the Tibetan exiles need to rally around a single person who can articulate their grievances and ambitions. The most plausible candidate for this elected role is Lobsang Sangay, a Harvard Law School graduate in his early forties. His selection would provide an opportunity for a fresh strategy. Like most exiled communities, the Tibetans have many internal splits – regional, personal, political and religious – which will need to be put aside in pursuit of a larger historical ambition. If this does not happen, the cause the Dalai Lama has long espoused will end up as a footnote to history.

‘Without Dalai Lama, legitimacy would be a problem’
Indo-Asian News Service
Dharamsala (Himachal Pradesh), March 10, 2011
The prime minister of Tibetan government-in-exile, Samdhong Rinpoche, on Thursday said the announcement by the Dalai Lama that he was retiring from public life could undermine the legitimacy of the government-in-exile. “After Dalai Lama’s resignation, legitimacy would be the biggest issue before us. Without Dalai Lama, we (the government-in-exile) will not have any legitimacy in the eyes of Tibetans. It is a real question before us and we have to find a solution to it,” said Rinpoche.
“However, status of Tibetans living in exile in India would not change. We have no problem with India as we are very comfortable here,” said Rinpoche. The Tibetan government-in-exile is in Dharamshala in Himachal Pradesh in northern India and it is not recognised by any country in the world. The Dalai Lama, 75, Thursday during his annual address to Tibetans and the international community, announced his decision to retire and devolve his “formal authority” to an elected leader while staying committed to the cause of Tibet.
Rinpoche, who will be completing his second term as prime minister-in-exile (Kalon Tripa) in May this year, has enjoyed full confidence of the Dalai Lama. He has been a powerful political figure in Tibetan community living in India.”We do understand what his holiness is planning and he is asking people to become independent of Dalai Lamas. Since 1960s, he has been trying to educate people and guiding us. He thinks it could be the appropriate time, therefore he is trying to transfer the entire power to the elected leadership,” said Rinpoche.
“But we still do not feel ourselves competent to take over and become independent of the Dalai Lama. Therefore thousands of requests are coming from various quarters to postpone his decision. We can reduce the number of (his) ceremonial functions, but as a guardian and spiritual leader he should continue.”
Rinpoche said that the Dalai Lama wants to transfer all political authority to elected leaders. He admitted that it would affect the dialogues process, between Tibetans and others.
“Yes, it would certainly affect the dialogues going on about the Tibetan cause but we shall find some way to continue these. We have to find some innovative and constructive way to handle the situation. Although we do not have any readymade solution to this,” pointed out Rinpoche.
Rinpoche maintained that the Dalai Lama, despite his retirement plans, continued to be the spiritual leader.
“Spiritual leadership does not come by appointment or by election, it’s all self-evident and it would not change. However, political leadership should not be permanent and not confined to one person. Dalai Lama believed in the principles of modern democracy system where people are supreme,” stated Rinpoche.
Talking about the violent protests by Tibetan youths, Rinpoche said, “Tibet is committed to non-violence. Protest demonstration of some youths outside the Chinese embassy does not prove that we are intending to follow violent path. These youths do not represent our people. Moreover they were not violent they were only aggressive.”

Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary of
the Tibetan National Uprising Day
March 10th 2011
Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising of 1959 against Communist China’s repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, and the third anniversary of the non-violent demonstrations that took place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would like to pay tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express my solidarity with those who continue to suffer repression and pray for the well-being of all sentient beings.
For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom and living in fear and insecurity, have been able to maintain their unique Tibetan identity and cultural values. More consequentially, successive new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This is admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience.
This Earth belongs to humanity and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the right to know the truth about the state of affairs in their country and the world at large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of information violate basic human decency. For instance, China’s leaders consider the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If this were so, these policies should be made public with confidence and open to scrutiny.
China, with the world’s largest population, is an emerging world power and I admire the economic development it has made. It also has huge potential to contribute to human progress and world peace. But to do that, China must earn the international community’s respect and trust. In order to earn such respect China’s leaders must develop greater transparency, their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure this, freedom of expression and freedom of the press are essential. Similarly, transparency in governance can help check corruption. In recent years, China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals calling for political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also expressed support for these concerns. These are significant indications and I welcome them.
The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a diversity of languages and cultures. Protection of the language and culture of each nationality is a policy of the PRC, which is clearly spelt out in its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to preserve the entire range of the Buddha’s teachings, including the texts on logic and theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from India’s Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge governed by reason and logic that has the potential to contribute to the peace and happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining such a culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long run amount to the destruction of humanity’s common heritage.
The Chinese government frequently states that stability and development in Tibet is the foundation for its long-term well-being. However, the authorities still station large numbers of troops all across Tibet, increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in constant fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals, public figures and environmentalists have been punished for articulating the Tibetan people’s basic aspirations. They have been imprisoned allegedly for “subverting state power” when actually they have been giving voice to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage. Such repressive measures undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending people’s rights, independent writers and human rights activists have been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review these developments and release these prisoners of conscience forthwith.
The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than the personal privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is that the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people has provoked widespread, deep resentment against current official policies. People from all walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That there is a problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities’ failure to trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan people live under constant suspicion and surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors to Tibet corroborate this grim reality.
Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-finding delegations to Tibet in the late 1970s and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we propose similar visits again. At the same time we would encourage the sending of representatives of independent international bodies, including parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet are happy, we would readily accept it.
The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao’s leadership in the early 1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement with Tibet. A similar spirit of realism prevailed once more during Hu Yaobang’s time in the early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such realism the Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have been solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies. The result is that after more than six decades, the problem has become more intractable.
The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because it has the largest concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles, it is considered to be the Third Pole. Environmental degradation in Tibet will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia, particularly on China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise the degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop sustainable measures to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account the survival of people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.
In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued the mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC. In our talks with officials of the Chinese government’s United Front Work Department we have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan people’s hopes and aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our reasonable proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully and accurately conveyed to the higher authorities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbours. It would be a mistake if our unresolved differences were to affect this age-old friendship. Special efforts are being made to promote good relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I am happy that this has contributed to better understanding and friendship between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters.
In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent struggles for freedom and democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in non-violence and people-power and these events have shown once again that determined non-violent action can indeed bring about positive change. We must all hope that these inspiring changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the peoples in these countries.
One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of Tibet’s political and social structure, and in the few years when I held effective power in Tibet, I managed to make some fundamental changes. Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet, I have made every effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political leadership, and the people’s representatives are directly elected by the people. We have been able to implement democracy in exile that is in keeping with the standards of an open society.
As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority to the elected leader.
Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will support my decision and accordingly let it take effect.
I would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the leaders of various nations that cherish justice, members of parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups, who have been steadfast in their support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we will always remember the kindness and consistent support of the people and Government of India and State Governments for generously helping Tibetans preserve and promote their religion and culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all of them I offer my heartfelt gratitude.
With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.
10 March 2011
Dharamsala

The Statement of Kashag on the 52nd Anniversary of the Tibetan
People’s National Uprising Day
Today is the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s uprising against the Chinese authorities in 1959 and the third anniversary of the peaceful protests throughout Tibet in 2008. On this special occasion, the Kashag would like to pay homage to all the martyrs, who sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tibet, those who are still suffering and particularly we would like to express our solidarity with Tibetan intellectuals such as writers, poets, musicians and environmentalists, who have been arrested and incarcerated in recent years. We praise their courage and conviction.
During the last nine years, from 2002 to 2010, the twelfth and the thirteenth Kashag considered the 10 March anniversary as the most important occasion to inform the Tibetan people, both in and outside Tibet, about issues concerning Tibetan politics and the administration. The Kashag has transparently informed the Tibetans about developments, policies, course of actions, principles and future plans regarding the issue of Tibet and its origins, Tibetan people’s strength and weaknesses, opportunities and risks, achievements and failures, and the status of Sino-Tibetan talks and the international situation. Particularly, in 2009 during the 50th anniversary of our being in exile, the Kashag commemorated and thanked the extraordinary achievements of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, which spans across the globe and the great accomplishments of the Tibetan people, in and outside Tibet.
Since this is the last 10th March statement of the present Kashag, we would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the general public and reiterate some issues as a reminder. As it was mentioned in our 10th March statement of 2009, for more than half a century, Tibet has been subjected to a series of repressive campaigns under various forms and names to annihilate the Tibetan people and its culture. This has pushed Tibet to the brink of extinction. However, at the same time, the strength of Tibetan people’s unity and solidarity has gone undiminished, which has enabled us to sustain our struggle from one generation to the next.
Moreover, with the phenomenal accomplishments of His Holiness the Dalai Lama throughout the world, Tibetan Buddhism, culture, tradition and values have gained renewed recognition and interest. Consequently, the number of Tibet supporters and followers of Tibetan Buddhism and culture, both in the West and East, have grown many fold. Lately efforts to translate Kangyur and Tengyur into various Western languages were initiated, and the speed at which contact and discussions between Tibetan Buddhism and science is taking place today are a matter of great pride and constitute positive changes. Irrespective of the absence of any concrete change in the political situation, the fact that Tibetan religion, culture and tradition are developing paves great prospects for the future. When future generations look back at our times, they may consider our contemporary times as an era of expansion and spread of the Tibetan culture.
Furthermore, the nonviolent struggle of the Tibetan people and the transformation of the nature of Tibetan polity into a democratic system are two achievements that are source of pride and the strength for the Tibetan people. As a result, the issue of Tibet has been able to be sustained around the world and these have become reasons why the People’s Republic of China is unable to ignore the issue of Tibet.
As this miracle the Tibetans have achieved in exile is a result of the profound accomplishments of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. We express our deepest gratitude to him.
Since the PRC occupied Tibet, the Tibetan people have had not even a fleeting moment of peace and joy. Furthermore, policies were implemented that aimed to annihilate not only Tibetan religion and culture and natural resources, but even the trace of Tibetan identity as well. Since repression across Tibet worsened in 2008, the Tibetan people have been languishing in an environment of constant fear and suspicion. The recent campaign, targeted at Tibetan intellectuals, scholars, writers, artists and environmentalists, has resulted in their arbitrary incarceration on concocted charges. This further validates the existence of a definite objective to wipe out Tibetan identity and heritage. As Tibetan language is the bedrock of Tibetan identity and culture, the recent move to phase out Tibetan as the main medium of instruction in schools also constitute an aspect of the strategy towards the objective of annihilation of Tibetan identity. Under such circumstances, the people in Tibet have been struggling for the preservation and promotion of Tibetan language and culture by disregarding even at the risk of losing their lives. For this, they deserve our heartfelt gratitude.
The Tibetan and the Chinese people are neighbours and share close social, economic and commercial relations. However, if enmity between the two people grows and the relationship is strained due to manipulations by the Communist leaders then this is highly undesirable. Tibetans living in exile are trying their best to create a good relationship with the Chinese people. Likewise, the Kashag wish to request the Tibetans inside Tibet to maintain friendly relations with Chinese and other nationalities. Particularly, we would like to urge Tibetans not to engage in any violent act with other nationalities.
A series of recent peaceful people’s protests in the Middle East and North Africa to move towards freedom and democracy is a source of inspiration for us. We offer our solidarity for all those who take part in these protests and extend our support and stand with them in unity as long as their actions remain non-violent. These events prove the fact
that suppression by authoritarian regimes anywhere cannot last forever.
Presently, a major cause of concern for Tibetans in and outside Tibet is that His Holiness the Dalai Lama will relinquish his role as the political leader of Tibetan people, and transfer his political and administrative responsibilities to the elected leadership. As a result, a great number of Tibetans in exile from the various settlements, organisations, monastic institutions and individuals and particularly many Tibetans from inside Tibet collectively and individually have been ardently supplicating His Holiness the Dalai Lama not to take such a step. We, the Kashag, would like to make the same request in the strongest terms. Since the institution of the Dalai Lama, as an emanation of Avalokitesvara, and the inhabitants of the Land of Snows, the spiritual domain of Avalokitesvara are intimately connected by a pure karmic bond, the Tibetan people must make all efforts to ensure that this relationship continues to last forever without change. The Tibetan people need to make great efforts to keep this bond between the successive Dalai Lamas and Tibet. In order for this to happen, we request the Tibetan people to make even more efforts to increase their collective merits.
To fulfil His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s wish to relinquish the temporal responsibilities, His Holiness will issue a message to the coming session of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. And all future course of action will depend on how the members of the legislative body intelligently formulate legislation regarding this. The Kashag would like to urge the members of the exile parliament to consider this a matter of utmost importance and accordingly think carefully to take the right path.
Even though there are no major achievements during the tenure of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Kashag for the last nearly 10 years, we have been able to complete our tenure without any major failures and controversy. This has been achieved because of the kind guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and the sincere hardwork of the officials of the Central Tibetan Administration, the cooperation and support of the general public. I and all my fellow members of the Kashag deeply thank and extend our gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. At the same time, with deep regret we offer our sincere apology for our inability to work in accordance with your vision during our tenure. We beseech His Holiness to continue to lead us until we attain liberation. Similarly, we wholeheartedly thank the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet for their consistent cooperation and support. Likewise, we profusely thank all the officials of the Central Tibetan Administration who have worked with sincerity and devotion for the exile Tibetan administration only because of their commitment to the cause inspite of inadequate salary and facilities.
Taking this opportunity, we thank and extend our gratitude to all the Tibet Support Groups, heads of the governments and members of parliaments across the world who support the just struggle of the Tibetan people, and especially the general public, the leadership of central and state governments of India, for their unwavering support for the welfare of Tibetans, the preservation and promotion of Tibet’s cultural and spiritual heritage and for the realization of the Tibetan
people’s aspiration.
Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon!
The Kashag
10 March 2011
NB: This is the English translation. Should any discrepancy arise, the original Tibetan should be considered the final and authoritative.

Kalon Tripa Prof Samdhong Rinpoche’s Address to the General Assembly
of the Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association in Zurich on 19 February 2011
Dear Brothers and sisters,
It is a great honor for me to participate in the General Assembly of the Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association and have the opportunity to share with you some of my views and experiences. Swiss-Tibetan Friendship Association is one of the oldest organizations for the Tibetan refugees which has played an important role over the last half a century in not only looking after the welfare of the Tibetan refugees settled in Switzerland but also in preservation and promotion of Tibetan cultural heritage, in strengthening the Tibetan struggle for achieving freedom and genuine autonomy for all the Tibetan people and in promoting awareness of Tibet issue in the Western world. I deeply appreciate all the efforts made by the past and present members of this Association. I take this opportunity to express our gratitude on behalf of 6 million people of Tibet to all of you and through you to the international community in general and people of Switzerland in particular. Switzerland was the first Western country to invite a large number of Tibetan refugees for resettlement and these settlers have been the happiest among the Tibetan Diaspora. They are able to lead a very happy life with freedom and dignity and also able to help fellow Tibetans living in India, Nepal and Bhutan. We will never forget the kindness of Swiss people and government for their help offered when we were badly in need of it.
I have been asked to say a few words on the democratic system practiced by Tibetans in exile and about the Tibet Support Groups¹ (TSG) contribution to the Tibetan struggle and their relevance in the future. Both of these subjects are very important but these are vast and complex. Therefore, I don’t know how much justice I can do to these topics. However, I will try.
1. As far as the system of democracy being practiced by Tibetans in Diaspora is concerned, democracy is not a new concept or system for the Tibetan people. Our apparent opening up to democratic functioning was not prompted by the Chinese occupation of Tibet nor was it prodded by our interface with the outside influence. In the first quarter of the Twentieth Century, His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama had made lots of efforts to democratize the political system of Tibet, much before the present People’s Republic of China even came into existence. But he couldn’t achieve much due to various internal resistance as well as external factors. The present, 14th Dalai Lama, since his childhood and long before taking over the temporal power, had an unmistakable will to democratize Tibet. But unfortunately, by the time he was given the reins of the country half of its territory was already occupied by People’s Republic of China’s military force. In spite of this, for nine long years, from 1950 to 1959, he tried his utmost to introduce many measures and reforms towards democratization but every time these moves were systematically thwarted by the Chinese military junta. It is only in exile that he got the free hand to implement his vision.
There was but uniqueness about this transformation so characteristic of the leader and his people. In our case, the Head
of the State advocated democratization and consequent relinquishing of his authority but the people refused to accept it. Just contrast it with some of the authoritarian, dictatorships of 20th Century. During the last fifty one years of life in exile, His Holiness has gradually persuaded and educated his people to adopt a democratic way of life and translate the ideals into implementation so that what is achieved is a genuine democracy and not mere lip service.
The model of Tibetan democracy is fundamentally different from the modern democratic principles. The modern political systems all over the world, by and large, are governed by the economic ideology of Capitalism or Marxism/Socialism. The political systems are derived from these two ideologies. Both of these ideologies are based on the potential conflict with humanity and not on the potential of co- operation or collaboration of the humanity. Marxism laid its foundation on the concept of class struggle and Capitalism laid its foundation on the concept of so called free and fair competition. Today’s democratic system is based on capitalistic idea of individual rights and market oriented economy. Tibetan Diaspora governance system is based on basic principles of equality of all sentient beings on the basis of their potential for unlimited development. Such equality can be established in day to day living only through co-operation and not through competition. Competition invariably leads to a form of confrontation or struggle. Love and equality cannot be achieved through competition. Whether in political system or in economic system, it prevents genuine co- operation and collaboration. Realizing this aspect of human nature, the Buddha had advocated a democracy free from sense of competition. Such system was practiced in various Republics in ancient India such as Vaishali during Buddha’s lifetime. Truly speaking, awakening of human intelligence is the ultimate objective of the society. It creates a level of rationality, which leads to unanimity ­ a state of harmony.
Although we do not deny the possibility of multiparty systems of democracy for Tibetans in future, we strongly believe that a party less democracy is possible in which each individual has freedom to deal with every issue according to his or her wisdom without any imposition or any conditions from groups or ideologies. The Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile) is a living example of party less democracy. It represents all Tibetans equally. There are no group ideologies, programs, majority or minority. Domination of majority over minority too is a kind of imposition of its views against the will of the minority, far from an ideal situation in a democracy.
Decentralization of decision-making processes and implementation processes makes each individual responsible and sovereign to think and to act. It enables the individual to think globally and act locally. In our view, when a few persons live at the cost of others it is totalitarianism. On the other hand, the principle of ‘live and let live’ is ordinary democracy. But, where everyone lives for the other is a model of democracy, and this is what we are trying to achieve.
An ideal democracy has to have three basic components:
1. An enlightened leadership,
2. Right philosophical ideology, and
3. Enlightened and responsible people
We, the Tibetans, fortunately possess the first two components and we are striving hard to meet the third criteria. Plato spoke of ‘the philosopher king’ and Bertrand Russel talked about ‘common will’. Both these factors are embodied in essence in the person of the present Dalai Lama, and in the Buddhist philosophy of non- violence and interdependent origination which presents the perfect right view. Now, only our people need to mature to usher in the ideal democracy.
In June 1991, a Charter for governance of Tibetan Diaspora received the assent of His Holiness after it was duly approved by the Xith Assembly. The Charter made the people sovereign and every organ of the government – executive, legislative, judiciary and even the authority of His Holiness – derived its power through the provisions enshrined in the Charter. Although our Charter was drafted under the guidance of His Holiness, its draft carries the nature of polity as secular and therefore the entire Charter was drawn on that basis. But during the debate in the Assembly the word ‘secular’ was substituted by the word combination of ‘dharma and polity’. However, the basic structure of the Charter remained unchanged. Thus we have a Charter based on secularism without the word of ‘secular’. In our Charter the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies is the supreme although there is demarcation of authority among legislative, executive and judiciary. The Assembly alone has the power to withdraw the powers and functions of His Holiness the Dalai Lama as Head of State and Head of Executive. Similarly the Assembly can impeach the Kalon Tripa or the Kashag or the Chief Justice Commissioner or Justice Commissioners. The other check and balance provisions are similar to modern democratic systems.
In the beginning the Charter provided His Holiness to nominate candidates for electing members of Kashag by the Assembly and thereafter the Kalons shall elect Kalon Tripa from among themselves. This provision was amended in the year 2001 and since then Kalon Tripa, the Head of the Executive, is being directly elected by the people and he nominates his colleagues with the approval of the Assembly. Since 2001, the entire administrative and the political decisions are taken by the elected Kalon Tripa and His Holiness remains a kind of figurehead. At the present moment, His Holiness is actively considering to withdraw himself completely from the ceremonial duties of exile administration in order to make the process of democratization reach its ultimate stage. For this the basic structure of the Charter needs further amendment. The proposition of His Holiness has obviously alarmed the Tibetan people inside Tibet and in Diaspora. But on the other hand His Holiness appears to be quite resolute. I think this development will be of a very important nature. It will be a turning point in the history of Tibet’s polity and governance.
2. As far as the Tibet Support Groups’ (TSG) contribution to the Tibetan struggle and their relevance in the future is concerned, His Holiness the Dalai Lama reminds us constantly that this expression of international support has become the fourth refuge in the political vocabulary of the Tibetan people. To explain what he means, when Buddhists pray, they say, ‘I take refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha’ and because of TSG’s whole-hearted support, they have become the political refuge in our struggle for survival as a people with a distinct culture and national identity. The worldwide Tibet support movement is one of the unique international coalition movements in the world. Devoted to the universal values of truth, justice and freedom and to the spirit of non-violence and reconciliation, this movement continues to attract and inspire the imagination of thousands of talented individuals across the globe. Their dedication and enthusiasm to the support of the Tibet cause makes the Tibet movement worldwide one of the great movements of non-violence in contemporary times. Their sustained and concerted campaigns over the years have resulted in promoting the awareness of the Tibetan issue all over the world and kept it as a burning topic and mobilized governments and parliaments around the world to speak up for the people of Tibet.
The efforts and dedication of TSGs have inspired a new generation of committed Tibetans in Tibet. They are risking their lives to preserve Tibet’s spiritual and cultural heritage by their non- violent resistance. The Tibetan people are blessed by this expanding network of friends and supporters around the world. No other cause however just, no other struggle however long, has been as blessed as the Tibetan people by the commitment of these Support Groups. Thanks to the work of Tibet Support Groups, the political cause of Tibet, and the preservation and promotion of Tibet’s rich cultural and spiritual heritage, specially the Tibetan Buddhist and cultural centers, have remained alive on the agenda of world community.
The nature of entire Tibet Support Group movement is voluntary participation, inspired by love for justice, by using their own time, resources and energy with full awareness that no personal, political or material benefit, whatsoever, could be gained for their tireless and unceasing effort. Therefore, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama always says that Tibet Support Groups should not be considered as pro-Tibet or anti-China. They are rather pro-justice and anti-injustice.
The Tibet Support Groups consist of multi-faceted groups of experts and professionals in the fields of human rights, environment, development, culture and religion and so forth. Some TSGs work for the overall improvement of the human rights situation in Tibet. These include efforts to highlight cases of individual prisoners of conscience and their eventual release and documenting the atrocities committed on them. Other TSGs produce a constant stream of high quality research work on the negative impact of ill conceived development works in Tibet, and on its culture and people. Some focus on the expanding railway line, rampant mining, indiscriminate deforestation, forced resettlement of nomads in permanent structures on the grasslands and the growing expansion of Chinese settlement on the Tibetan plateau and their negative impact on the fragile environment of Tibet.
Then, there is another aspect to the Tibet Support movement. This aspect is the Tibetan Buddhist centers, academic institutions for Tibetan studies and Tibetan cultural centers. These Tibetan cultural centers attract an ever-expanding circle of devout friends for Tibet in every corner of the globe, every year. This component is important for us because the activities of these centers ensure that Tibet’s spiritual and cultural heritage can and will survive outside of Tibet. These centers also reflect the abiding relevance of Tibetan culture and spirituality. That an expanding international civil society, beholden to no one, no government, no sovereign, flourishes is an eloquent message of the international community’s recognition of the universal values of compassion and non-violence inherited by the Tibetan people from ancient India. This I feel gives us the confidence to say that with or without the Tibetan people, their culture and the values that underpin it will be cherished by the world. This is because Tibetan culture speaks not just the language of the Tibetan people. It speaks the universal language of humanity.
The Tibetan people’s movement for our cultural survival is invigorated by the fact that an increasing number of our Chinese brothers and sisters are embracing it. Appreciation of the values of Tibetan culture is growing amongst the Chinese, both in and outside of Mainland China. We are deeply grateful to many brave Chinese individuals and organizations in China for speaking up for the Tibetan people in the aftermath of the brutal crackdown on the widespread and peaceful protests in 2008 that called for freedom in Tibet and the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to his homeland. Many of these individuals organized an open letter expressing their support for His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle- Way policy and called on the Chinese government to stop its propaganda against Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
Today most of the state powers are only concerned for economic gains. People’s Republic of China (PRC) is not only emerging as an economic giant but also an unlimited market for every product. Therefore, usually state powers are adopting a policy of appeasement towards PRC and consider Tibet issue an unnecessary irritant in their relationship with PRC. If strong public opinion in these democratic countries were not created by Tibet Support Groups, all these governments of various countries would have chosen to push aside the Tibet issue long ago and our movement would have become difficult to sustain. Today, if most of the governments have to entertain the Tibet voice, it is because their
own public opinion demands it. This, indeed, is an enormous, effective and result oriented contribution the TSGs have made to the Tibetan struggle.
I have touched just a few important aspects of their contribution but couldn’t recount exhaustively because it is so large and so varied.
The Tibet Support Groups remain more relevant than ever before since the Tibetans are passing through a most difficult period ever since the year 2008 uprising in Tibet. Coming few years will not only be very critical but most important period for the future of Tibetan people as rapid changes will take place in socio-economic and political spheres of the world in general and PRC in particular. The repressive measures adopted by the PRC authorities and the tolerance and patience of Tibetan people both have reached the threshold of their limits. Thus it is not a time to feel fatigue and give up. Each one of us who cares for the just cause of Tibet must revitalize ourselves, sharpen our focus, consolidate our action, repackage the whole movement and a final and forceful push be given to achieve the desired result. It is for this all the TSG’s dedicated themselves for over five decades.
To conclude, I feel the following four-point program for Tibetans and Tibet supporters is important:
1. To successfully generate a culture of non- violence within urselves;
2. To be prepared to struggle for the Tibet problem, even if it takes many generations before we succeed. Younger and new generations of Tibetans and Tibet Support groups should be ever ready to carry on the responsibilities until we regain our genuine autonomy;
3. Should the Tibet problem be resolved in the near future, to be prepared to shoulder the responsibilities of rebuilding and sustaining a non-violent new Tibetan society; and
4. To maintain the sacred traditions and identity of Tibet in all circumstances.
Thank you. Jai Jagat.