His Holiness the Dalai Lama clarifies statement on retirement
Wednesday, 15 December 2010
His Holiness the Dalai Lama has clarified his recent statement on taking complete retirement, saying that the call does not mean he will forget about the Tibetan struggle.
DHARAMSHALA: More than 99 per cent of Tibetans in and outside Tibet trust me, so I have the moral responsibility to serve them. My call for complete retirement does not mean that I will forget the Tibetan struggle. I am a Tibetan and every Tibetan has the moral obligation to carry out our own struggle, His Holiness told reporters in Kalimpong yesterday. (watch video)
His Holiness said some Tibetans living inside Tibet express anxiety and confusion over his retirement plans. “I want to hand over the ceremonial role such as signing of legislatures and documents to the democratically elected leadership. But some Tibetans inside Tibetan are anxious and confused that the Dalai Lama is now no longer interested about the Tibetan struggle. No, it is not,” he said.
He reiterated that efforts to resolve the issue of Tibet would remain one of his three commitments.
He spoke about his efforts to bring democratic reforms in Tibet before 1959 and later in exile.
Since my childhood I always admire the system of democracy. In 1952, I started reform committee and some reforms were carried out. Then after 1959 while in exile we had set up own organisation set up as the Central Tibetan Administration. We started the process of democratisation and put in place elected political leadership in 2001.
“I always tell the elected Tibetan leadership to take full responsibility as if there is no Dalai Lama and they are doing it,” he said.
(Based on report filed by Sheja Editor Kelsang Khudup from Kalimpong)
China Rewrites Tibet History: Monks Recently Escaped from Tibet
Monday, 13 December 2010 18:14 YC. Dhardhowa, The Tibet Post International
Dharamshala: – Lobsabg Norbu13december201019 and his fellow two monks had been hiding almost two years in the hills and mountains of Dege county, eastern Tibet after spread documents, banners and flags in 2009 to against Chinese rule over Tibet. The three brave monks safely managed to escape from Tibet recently, currently they have started to enjoy freedom of expression in this Himalayan hill town where His Holiness the Dalai Lama lives in exile.
As the Tibetan and foreign journalists reported out of their peaceful protests in eastern Tibet, Norbu and his friends unfurled banners they had wrapped inside the folds of their crimson robes and held aloft the documents, banners and flags of Tibet in the streets, towns and villages.
Three Tibetan monks from Gonsar monastery, Dza Bharma village of Dege county, eastern Tibet; Kunga Rinchen, 30, Lobsang Norbu, 26 and Khedup Gyatso have decided to hold a peaceful protest to against Chinese rule over their homeland on 10th November 2010. “We have drawen various slogons on many banners saying ‘Free Tibet and we want Human Rights in Tibet, long life His Holiness the Dalai Lama’, also painted many Tibetan national flags after decided to hold the protest,” Norbu told The Tibet Post International.
Norbu further told that Chinese authorities in the areas in last year have officially announced Tibetans that the local government will reward 20,000 Yuan for each head of the monks if anybody report the monks’ detail.
“We have no human rights, no religious freedom, and no freedom of express in Tibet now,” Norbu said. That peaceful protest, in April 2008, was spread a clear message around the world by the Tibetans in all parts of Tibet on the communist regime’s policy toward Tibet issue. Despite the widespread peaceful Tibetan uprising in their homeland, hundreds were killed, and hundreds were jailed under the name of Hu Jintao’s harmony society.
“If we Tibetan monks hadn’t lead the peaceful protests to express our feelings, which are feelings in all Tibetan, then we would have missed a chance to tell the world,” said Norbu, a monk with lay dress newly became a refugee.
“On 10th November 2009, 2 of my friends and I demonstrated for religious freedom and human rights in Tibet. We aimed to be heard by the state. The Chinese government had insisted that it had made improvements in the field of human rights but in actuality we had no rights, historically Tibet was an independent nation, but China rewrite our history. we tried to fight for these rights. For offenses of a small nature we were treated as criminals,” he further said.
Over two years, the three monks slipped out of their monastery, trekked into the mountains, slept in nomads’ tents, sneaked into Lhasa aboard a high-altitude traveling and crossed a raging river to Nepal. It was only here in a refugee center that they could tell their true stories to people of the world.
Chinese officials insist that any of the protests were orchestrated by Tibetan leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Tibetan government in exile. The monks from Dege county, eastern Tibet say harsh Chinese policies sparked the tinder, rewriting Tibet History, violating international law, especially limitations on Buddhist practice in Tibet.
“I and my friends decided on our own to protest,” Norbu said. “The protests were caused by human rights, freedom of religious and expression issues and harshest Chinese policies toward Tibetans to denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s political and spiritual leader. We couldn’t tolerate it
anymore,” he continued.
“We held the protests with the idea of perceiving our Buddhism and culture identity, which is endangered by Chinese policy. We want His Holiness the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet, but the Chinese don’t even allow us to display his picture.” he added.
The monks said that Chinese officials held various meetings to practice the ‘patriotic re-educating law’, which forces local Tibetans, particularly Buddhist monks to denounce their spiritual leaders, including His Holiness the Dalai Lama. During the spring prayer festival last year, many Tibetans were brutally beaten and arrested after burning wild-animal skins, and that many of them are still missing. “Tibetans are still under Chinese pressure of patriotic re-education if they decide to perceive their cultural and religious identity,” Norbu concluded.
The Statement of the Kashag on the Twenty-first Anniversary of the Conferment of the Nobel Peace Prize on His Holiness the Dalai Lama
On this occasion of the twenty-first anniversary of the conferment of the Nobel Peace Prize on His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Kashag, on behalf of the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet, would like to pay our utmost respect and greetings to His Holiness.
His Holiness, who besides being the foremost proponent of the principle of non-violence around the globe by applying the philosophy of dependent origination and non-violence as shown in the teachings of the Buddha, has guided the Tibetan struggle for justice onto to the path of non-violence making it different from other national struggles in the world. His Holiness has also shown, both in principle and in practice, that all global conflicts can be solved through a non-violent approach. These qualities made His Holiness the most suitable recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize.
Thus, when His Holiness accepted the prize in 1989, it increased prestige and the value of the already esteemed Nobel Peace Prize. At the same time, it has also created a widespread awareness about and interest in the just cause of Tibet around the world. Since the award was an inspiration and the trust in the non-violent method and an outstanding recognition of the Tibetan struggle for justice, we commemorate it with highest respect and fondness. On this special occasion, if the Tibetan people in and outside Tibet can reaffirm their genuine pledge for the non-violent path based on trust and understanding, then this occasion will constitute a meaningful celebration.
An important development that we should be happy about and proud of is the conferment of this year’s Nobel Peace Prize to Mr Liu Xiaobo, a prominent Chinese democracy and human rights activist, who is currently in prison in the People’s Republic of China. On behalf of all the Tibetan people, we would like to congratulate Mr Liu Xiaobo, and commend the Nobel Committee for taking this decision without bowing to the Chinese government’s pressure. However, the Kashag is saddened by the Chinese authorities appalling behaviour of not releasing Mr Liu Xiaobo from prison and keeping his wife under house arrest. The Kashag strongly condemns these actions. Since the values and aspirations of all the Nobel laureates are well known around the world, keeping a few individuals in prison cannot lock up their thoughts, principles and aspirations. It is a fact of life that the authoritarian rulers who try to control people’s thought by force and suppression are the most ignorant of human beings.
Although this day is also celebrated as World Human Rights Day, it is a matter of sadness that no one has, thus far, been able to protect human rights enough to be celebrated. Moreover, the first decade of the 21st century is over and yet looking at the fact that a number of Nobel laureates are either in prison, under surveillance or in exile shows the state of human rights today.
These days the advanced nations in the West and the countries in the East who blindly follow the West use many beautiful slogans such as democracy, freedom, equality and human rights, but in actual practice they all appear empty words devoid of any meaning.
At present, a large number of people including Tibetans in Tibet are living with constant fear and torture under the oppressive regime of the People’s Republic of China, denied even their fundamental human rights. Sadly, it has been amply proven that no powerful nations or organizations have either the will or the strength to restore them their rights. In China, being in possession of a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is deemed as a criminal act warranting many years of imprisonment. Yet the United Nations, the author of the declaration, has failed to muster enough pride to even condemn such acts. Under such circumstances, it becomes almost a laughing stock for us to commemorate the World Human Rights Day. However, we celebrate it to keep up with the international norm.
Since 2008 the whole of China and especially the Tibetan areas have been witness to systematic suppression and further restrictions of basic human rights. The right to religious freedom, the right to speech and cultural and educational freedoms have been deliberate targets. The recent proclamation by Chinese government officials in many Tibetan areas ordering a change in the medium of instruction from Tibetan to Mandarin in schools is a large-scale evil plan directed at annihilating the very identity of Tibet. Such policies not only completely ignore the ideologies of Karl Marx, Lenin and Mao on ethnic minorities but are a clear and present attempt at the whole-scale destruction of a people’s language and culture. We unequivocally condemn and criticize such heinous policies. On behalf of Tibetans in exile we offer our solidarity and enthusiastic support to the leaders, students and ordinary people who legally and peacefully request the protection of our language.
Realizing the tremendous strides in exercising modern democracy in the exile Tibetan community under His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s leadership, we fervently hope that Tibetans remain united and work towards the principal cause of Tibet.
Taking this opportunity, Kashag would like to offer the wholehearted prayers of Tibetans in and outside Tibet, beseeching His Holiness to remain as ever the religious and temporal leader of Tibet. From the depth of our hearts we request Your Holiness never to consider or even talk about semi-retirement and full-retirement. At the same time, Kashag implores Tibetans to further advance our collective merit and preserve Tibetan values and ethics, which become the most gratifying offerings to His Holiness.
Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lana and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon.
The Kashag
10 December 2010
NB: This was translated from the original Tibetan. Should any discrepancy arise, the Tibetan version should be considered as the final authority.
Nepal: China: Kathmandu and Beijing tighten grip on Tibetan refugees
Nepal and China agree to better control along the border with Tibet and stronger measures against anti-Chinese protests organized by exiles in Nepal. In return, China will facilitate the entry of Nepalese workers in its territory.
Monday, December 06, 2010
By Asia News
Kathmandu (AsiaNews / Agencies) – Kathmandu and Beijing have signed an agreement to prevent the entry of Tibetan refugees in Nepal, the regular concession of visas into the country and control of the frequent anti-Chinese protests. The document that consists of 13 points was signed yesterday in Chautara near the border with Tibet. In exchange for more control over Tibetan exiles, Beijing will facilitate the entry of Nepalese workers into Tatopani on the border with Tibet.
After the invasion of Lhasa in 1950 and the exile of the Dalai Lama in India (1959), Nepal has hosted thousands of refugees fleeing from Tibet, enabling them to support the government in exile. To date over 20 thousand Tibetan refugees hosted in the country.
With the fall of Nepal’s monarchy in 2006 and the rise to power of the Maoist parties (Unified Communist Party of Nepal) and Marxist-Leninist Party (Unified Marxist-Leninist), the country has begun to tighten economic agreements with Beijing, by prohibiting all anti-Chinese demonstrations by exiles. As early as 2008 on the occasion of the Beijing Olympics, the government had restricted the protest march, by force.
According to the Nepalese media, China had recently asked Nepal to deploy about 10 thousand security personnel along the Sino-Nepalese border. Beijing also offered the government in Kathmandu to train a police force specializing in quelling protests.
Returning to Lhasa to Witness the Current Situation
By Woeser
Tibetan Culture & News Online
Beijing, November 17, 2010
In early October, I left Beijing for Lhasa to visit my family. I stayed there for over a month. While I was there, I obtained first-hand information about the notable and subtle developments and changes that occurred over a series of sensitive days, weeks and months in Lhasa. These transformations could be felt everywhere in the city. For example, the first few days I was in Lhasa, I had the impression that everything was taking a turn for the better since the sentries who had been positioned at the Sholgrong Sar Road intersection were gone. Of course, walking around the Barkhor in the middle of the night, one would still meet guards standing back-to-back or over 60 armed soldiers. Walking from Tsemonling Road to Shonnu Road one would also face over 30 armed soldiers patrolling the streets. Yet, this was still much less than in March when one was confronted with an enormous amount of soldiers.
However, very quickly, the atmosphere in Lhasa turned tense again. Of course, the sentries at Sholgrong Sar Road came back, also the area around the sacred Lukhang was once more full of armed police; and even less surprising was the Barkhor and the areas where Tibetan reside such as Karma Kunsang, were like Baghdad, as people in Lhasa would say. For about one week, every morning at dawn, a few military helicopters would circle in the sky above Lhasa, flying at a very low level. I could see those helicopters thundering passed my window even from the second floor. We all knew that this was military terror and those being terrorised by this colossal military action weren’t just a few people. It was obvious that it was aimed at “those who are not one of us”.
One afternoon, when Wang Lixiong and I entered Barkhor from Lugu North Alley, walked along Tsemonling Road, Beijing East Road, and the Lukhang, we saw sentries, patrolling armed police, special police forces, public security guards, bouncers, plainclothes police and so on everywhere. According to rough estimates, there must have been over a thousand such people. When we passed the police station in the Barkhor, we caught sight of a few dozen young armed soldiers forming two columns inside, exercising, boxing and wrestling; the air was filled with the roars of battle and the bright red slogans attached to their heads reading: “Army-Civilians Unite, Building Harmony” seemed rather ironic. Many tourists stopped to watch the scene; some of them were astonished looking tourists from Western countries
.
Wang Lixiong said that witnessing such scenes, those Western tourists must think that Tibet is under colonial rule. But the Communist Party regards itself powerful enough to not care about concealing anything.
Of course, around the Potala Palace area the scenery is entirely different, Lhasa people jokingly call it the “Han Chinese area”. We witness a similar situation on Dekyi Road and Namtso Road with its fiery restaurants and all its culinary fragrances, which is Lhasa’s famous food streets, even though the prices are as high as in Beijing. In fact, this street should be called “Corruption Street”, where scary looking people eat and drink at the expense of the public. During lunch and dinner times, the entire street resembles a car show full of fancy vehicles. But the even more extravagant corruption is found in hidden gathering places, which according to reports are frequently visited by military and cadre restaurants. One of these places is situated next to Lhasa’s “Hunan Love” restaurant, 99% of the money spent there are public funds and waiters and waitresses claim to even know the taste of well-known cadres and garnish the dishes accordingly. One table can easily cost a few thousand, even over ten thousand Yuan.
The most memorable experience during those unpredictable days in Lhasa was that time when I walked around the Tsekor at nightfall. The scent of juniper, which believers offer during the day, was still lingering in the air; it was the fragrance of faith that makes one feel carefree and relaxed. But it is a shame that the Lukhang has already been turned into something like a Han Chinese park; the layers of prayer flags hanging above the lake had already disappeared a long time ago and instead one finds nine dragon screen walls erected at the main entrance, Han architecture is dominant
everywhere.
Meanwhile, the outstandingly beautiful Potala Palace is being stigmatised as “the most reactionary, the darkest, the cruellest, and most barbaric” construction of “Old Tibet”. Yet, during the 51 years of unified Chinese Communist Party rule, referred to as “the epitome of progress” in a self-adulating way, they have not managed to erect any building that is even anywhere near as beautiful as the Potala Palace. Instead they have shot themselves in the foot over and over again by creating a Potala Square as an imitation of Tiananmen Square. This year, they added another two completely unnecessary luxurious underground passage ways. Moreover, they paved the prayer-wheel path in front of the Potala Palace with slab stones sticking out at both ends and they are using every opportunity to further commercialise the Palace and make money. Even more troubling is the fact that the paved slab stones which used to be found in front of Potala Palace, already made shiny and smooth by many pilgrims prostrating, and which should have been preserved or at least photographed as a memory, were regarded as scrap stone and have disappeared.
Clinton grilled Rudd on dealing with China
December 5, 2010
The Sydney Mornig Herald
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton grilled then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on how best to deal with the growing economic power of China, a confidential cable released by WikiLeaks states.
In the cable from March 28 last year, Ms Clinton told Mr Rudd that although the US wanted China to be successful and were impressed by the progress of democracy, they held some anxiety over China’s growing power.
Ms Clinton said the US wanted “China to take more responsibility in the global economic sphere, create more of a social safety net for its people, and construct a better regulatory framework for the goods China manufactures.” Advertisement: Story continues below
“The Secretary also noted the challenges posed by China’s economic rise, asking: `How do you deal toughly with your banker?’,” the cable stated.
Mr Rudd replied by calling himself a “brutal realist on China”, argued for “multilateral engagement with bilateral vigour” and called for China to be integrated effectively into the international community.
“Allowing it to demonstrate greater responsibility, all while also preparing to deploy force if everything goes wrong,” he said.
The conversation between Ms Clinton and the then-prime minister occurred during a 75-minute lunch following Mr Rudd’s meeting at the White House.
Mr Rudd told Ms Clinton the idea behind the Asia Pacific Community (APC) initiative was to ensure Chinese dominance of the East Asia Summit (EAS) did not result in an Asia without the US.
“Expressing appreciation for US re-engagement in the region, Rudd said China could succeed only if the United States ceded the field,” the cable stated.
Mr Rudd said he thought Chinese leaders were paranoid about both Taiwan and Tibet, however, there were “subtle differences” between the two.
“Leaders’ reactions on Taiwan were sub-rational and deeply emotional, whereas hard-line policies on Tibet were crafted to send clear messages to other ethnic minorities,” he said.
The then prime minister said he had asked Chinese leaders to consider a “small ‘a’ autonomy deal with the Dalai Lama” but conceded there was little prospect of success.
US Dispatches from Beijing
‘True Democracy’ Within China’s Politburo?
SPIEGEL ONLINE 12/05/2010 02:44 PM
Can one find democracy in China? According to a US source in Beijing, the country’s Politburo is more interested in consensus than decrees — on all issues except for Tibet. But, US diplomats allege, most of the country’s top functionaries maintain close ties with various industries.
Is there any place in dictatorial China where votes are taken and discussions held — rather than orders given and decrees issued? Indeed there is. And it is where one would least expect it: In the heart of Chinese power.
If one is to believe US diplomatic sources in Beijing, “true democracy” prevails in the Politburo of all places, within that little-known group of top apparatchiks consisting of 24 men and one woman.
No one outside China’s ruling cadre knows who at the top of China’s power structure decides what and why. No one knows who thinks what, who is allied with whom and who really has influence. Public debates are rare. But by talking to leading functionaries, experts from the US Embassy in Beijing managed to get a glimpse inside of China’s inner circle.
The newly revealed US embassy dispatches provide surprising details. Hardly any decisions, no matter how sensitive they might be, are decreed by head of state Hu Jintao or head of government Wen Jiabao. Decisions instead tend to be taken collectively by top Communist party functionaries. When vital policy issues, such as relations with Taiwan or North Korea, are up for decision, all 25 Politburo members are involved. Lesser issues are resolved by the nine-member standing committee.
‘A Consensus System’
The committee, though, does not decide by vote, according to cables sent from US diplomats back to Washington. Instead, issues are weighed and discusses for as long as it takes to arrive at a consensus. In the decision making process, to be sure, Hu Jintao’s “views carry the greatest weight,” US diplomats quote a source with access to the inner power circle as saying. “It is a consensus system,” the source said, “in which members can exercise veto power.”
It is a system that ensures that none of the Communist party functionaries becomes too powerful. But it is a principle, US diplomats have been told, that doesn’t apply to one particularly touchy issue: that of the Dalai Lama and Tibet. On that subject, China’s president and Communist party head Hu Jintao “is firmly in charge.”
In his eyes, the Dalai Lama is a traitor and a separatist. Rebels are to be severely punished or re-educated — a view that Hu himself applied during his time as Communist party chief in Tibet from 1988 to 1992. Those who would prefer a milder approach risk their careers, US diplomats have been told.
On other issues, however, informants told American diplomats that Chinese leaders were often left to pursue their own interests. Politburo member Zhou Yongkang, who heads up Chinese security services, is said to be closely linked with the state oil industry, for example. Jia Qinglin, in slot four of the Chinese leadership hierarchy, allegedly maintains close contacts with Peking’s construction industry. Hu Jintao’s son-in-law was the boss of the big internet firm sina.com. Once source claimed that Wen Jiabao’s wife controlled the precious gems industry.
In addition, many of the 25 Politburo members are thought to maintain “close ties” to real estate magnates, many of whom are likewise party functionaries. Posts within the Chinese Communist party, US diplomats believe, sometimes go to the highest bidder. In order to turn a quick profit, such functionaries, sources told the US, are especially eager to push for economic growth, no matter what the environmental or social price might be.
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,732963,00.html
8 more Tibetans sentenced, with suspended death for one for 2008 protests
TibetanReview.net, Nov22, 2010: In continuing trials of Tibetans arrested for their involvement in the Mar’08 protests which engulfed much of the Tibetan Plateau, the Intermediate People’s Court of Lhasa city had around mid-May this year given one more death sentence, with execution suspended for two years, said the exile Tibetan government on its website Tibet.net Nov 20. It said Sonam Tsering, who originally hails from Derge Palyul County in what is now part of Sichuan Province, ha been given the jail sentence for having allegedly led one of the protests in Lhasa on that day. Seven other Tibetans have been jailed for one to seven years for allegedly sheltering the accused person for more than a year and half.
The report said police in Lhasa had announced a cash prize for anyone providing information on his whereabouts. Sonam Tsering remained in hiding around Lhasa, helped by some Tibetans, until he was captured in Oct 2009.
Those jailed for sheltering or helping him to escape capture have been named as Tsewang Gyurmey (5 years), Tashi Choedon of Palyul (7 years), Dolyang of Markham (4 years), Yang alias Kelyang of Kongpo (7 years), nun Yeshi Tsomo of Lhasa (5 years), Tayang of Lhasa (5 years) and Pasang Tsering of Lhasa (1 year).
The report said Sonam’s currents whereabouts and conditions remained unknown.
The report said that since Mar 10, 2008, a total of 227 Tibetans have been confirmed killed in the Chinese crackdown on the protests, with over 6810 others arrested and 510 sentenced.
So far, seven Tibetans have been sentenced to death for involvement in the protests, with immediate execution of two of them and two-year suspension of execution for the others. Lobsang Gyaltsen and Loyak, both 25, were executed on Oct 20, 2009. Those under suspended death sentence have been named as Tenzin Phuntsok (27), Kangtsuk (22), Penkyi (21), Pema Yeshi (28) and Sonam Tsering (23).
Dalai Lama ‘to retire’ from government-in-exile role: office
NEW DELHI, Nov 23, 2010 (AFP) – The Dalai Lama intends to retire as head of the Tibetan government in exile next year as he looks to scale back his workload and reduce his ceremonial role, his spokesman told AFP Tuesday.
The Tibetan movement in exile, based in the northern Indian hill station of Dharamshala since 1960, directly elected a political leader in 2001 for the first time.
“Since then, His Holiness has always said he has been in a semi-retired state,” spokesman Tenzin Taklha said.
“In recent months, His Holiness has been considering approaching the Tibetanparliament in exile to discuss his eventual retirement.”
Taklha stressed that his “retirement” would be from his ceremonial.responsibilities as head of the government, such as signing resolutions, not his role as spiritual leader and figurehead for Tibetans.
“This does not mean that he will withdraw from leading the political struggle. He is the Dalai Lama, so he will always lead the Tibetan people,” he said.
The 75-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner is the global face for the Tibetan struggle against Chinese rule in Tibet, as well as a leading promoter of human rights, dialogue between religions and Buddhist values.
There are concerns inside and outside Tibet that his eventual death will deal a blow to the coherence of the Tibetan movement, which seeks independence or autonomy for the Buddhist region from Chinese rule.
Taklha said the Dalai Lama would raise the subject of his retirement at the next session of parliament in March and would then look to step back from his responsibilities in the following six months.
“It would depend on talking to the parliament and hearing their views on this. Nothing is for sure, but these are things that are being considered by him,” he said.
Taklha stressed, however, that “he cannot resign from being the Dalai Lama. He will always be the Dalai Lama.”
He is the spiritual leader of Tibetans, and is seen as the reincarnation of the first Dalai Lama, who was born in 1391. The present incarnation was plucked from his farming family at the age of two to take up the role.
Why is New Delhi silent on Tibet?
Gulf Daily News
By KULDIP NAYAR
November 21, 2010
CAMP Hale at Colorado in the US is long way from Tibet. But what joins them together is the training of some 2,000 Tibetan warriors who were taught the art of guerilla warfare from 1957 to 1972 to fight China’s Peoples’ Liberation Army.
The warriors were late because China attacked Tibet in 1947 and annexed the Buddhist kingdom within two years.
Yet the warriors have not given up and continue to put up resistance, if not at Lhasa, Tibet’s capital, but the places around.
Beijing sees the hands of New Delhi in the independence war the Tibetans have waged against China. Indian Foreign Minister S M Krishna told China this week that Tibet was like Kashmir, “our core problem”.
In fact, the Tibetans have a grievance against India which accepted China’s suzerainty over their country after the British left the region in 1947.
Their complaint is that New Delhi bends backward to assure China that India has no locus standi in Tibet.
This is also the complaint of the Dalai Lama who took refuge in India in 1954 when he could not tolerate communist shoes trampling upon the spiritual and traditional ways of his people.
India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru could see that the Dalai Lama was not safe in Tibet and sent officials to receive him on the border of India.
This was a great gesture, applauded throughout the world. The Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leaders accompanying him saw in India a country which gave shelter to the persecuted in the world.
But even during the 1962 war with China, initiated by Beijing, Nehru did not utter a word about Tibet.
Nor did he draw the world’s attention to the ethnic cleansing going on in Tibet. And that has been the policy of all successor governments to Nehru’s.
At times, the Dalai Lama has felt “suffocating” and complained to New Delhi. But there has been no change in India’s policy even when Beijing is taking thousands of Chinese to Tibet to settle them there.
A lonely Dalai Lama has pointed out that the centuries-old Buddhist culture in Tibet was being destroyed with a new complexion of population.
But except for odd protests here and there, nothing concerted or concrete has come out. And the Chinese are squeezing out even the semblance of lofty religious practices the Tibetans have defiantly followed.
Essentially, it is India which has to come out of the make-believe world and realise that good relations with China do not depend upon the curbs on the Dalai Lama or the silence over what is happening in Tibet.
Beijing would probably respect New Delhi more if it were to find the latter saying openly what it feels about Tibet.
Eighty per cent of India’s population, the Hindus, have always considered Tibet part of Kailash – the mountains where lord Shiva rests. They have religious ties with Buddhism and see in the Dalai Lama a religious head.
No doubt, India accepted China’s suzerainty over Tibet in the wake of departure by the British because that is how they dealt with Lhasa.
After more than five decades, New Delhi cannot question the suzerainty but can at least raise a voice against the atrocities committed in Tibet and the recurring violation of human rights.
A suzerain is a ruler or government that exercises political control. There is no challenging of that because Beijing has Lhasa under its authority.
But a suzerain cannot go beyond political control. When China is changing the very complexion of population in Tibet and when the ethnic population is being annihilated, it is not suzerainty but a position of being lord and master.



