China urged to free 11th Panchen Lama
Phayul[Monday, April 26, 2010 16:43]
By Phurbu Thinley
Gendhun Choekyi Nyima’s photo taken in 1995, when he was six years old, remains the only proving clue available of him to the outside world. (File photo)
Dharamsala, April 26: For Tibetans Gendhun Choekyi Nyima, who turned 21 Sunday, is very much their beloved and undisputed His Holiness the 11th Panchen Lama of Tibet. But no one knows where he is and what has become of him since he disappeared out of public view in Tibet 15 years ago.
Chinese Communist authorities secretly abducted him along with his parents in May 1995, shortly after His Holiness the Dalai Lama declared him to be the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama. Today only one photo taken when he was six years old remains the only clue available of him to the outside world.
Chinese Government claims that his whereabouts are kept undisclosed to protect him, but all requests for access to Gendhun Choekyi Nyima have been repeatedly refused so far.
The latest statement by the Chinese authorities concerning the fate of the Gendhun Choekyi Nyima came just last month from Pema Thinley, the Chinese-appointed governor of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Thinley told reporters on the sidelines of China’s annual legislative session in Beijing earlier in March that the young boy was living with his family and having a “very good life” somewhere in Tibet. He, however, gave no further details.
Tibetans and their supporters around the world on Sunday marked his 21st birthday by organising free Panchen Lama campaigns and holding candle light vigils in the evening to pray for his well-being.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama releases a book at a commemoration ceremony to mark 20 years since the passing away of the 10th Panchen Lama, Lhundrup Choekyi Gyaltsen, at Tsunglakhang in Dharamsala, India, December 30, 2009. (file photo/Phayul) In Dharamsala, the seat of Tibet’s government in exile in north India, official function was held yesterday during which exile Tibetan leaders, including the Speaker Penpa Tsering and Deputy Speaker Gyari Dolma of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile, and Cabinet ministers of the exile Tibetan government urged the Chinese Government to show him to the international community and let it meet him.
The Tibetan Women’s Association (TWA), one of the most prominent organisations campaigning for the release of Panchen Lama, urged the international community, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and other human rights bodies, to join their “15-year struggle” to save the fate of the 11th Panchen Lama.
“TWA is committed to campaigning for the safe return of the Panchen Lama to his rightful abode and to seeing the complete restoration of his political and religious rights. Until this happens, we will do everything in our power to keep the plight of the Panchen Lama at the forefront of people’s minds,” says Kirti Dolkar Lhamo, the president of TWA.
TWA also launched an artwork competition featuring more than 20 acclaimed Tibetan artists to create an imaginary portrait of the 21-year old Panchen Lama. “This new art campaign is part of our continued effort to raise awareness and one that we hope will also create a meaningful visual reference for Tibetans,” says Lhamo. “Currently, the images we use to remember him are of a young child, but he has now reached adulthood,” she says.
Lhamo says the campaign serves to emphasise the length of his captivity he has gone – from boy to manhood – hidden from the eyes of the world. “So all we can do to visualise him is to use our imaginations,” she adds.
Lhamo says her organisation will chose one of the pieces of art and will use it as a new emblem for its campaign materials calling for the Panchen Lama?s release.
Tashi Lhunpo Monastery, the traditional seat of the successive Panchen Lamas, and the Central Association of Panchen Lama also jointly issued a statement Sunday asking China to provide clear information on his safety and whereabouts.
Panchen Lama is revered as the second highest tulku lineage in the Gelugpa tradition of Tibetan Buddhism and one of the most influential spiritual leaders of Tibet.
Traditionally, the Panchen Lama bears part of the responsibility for finding the incarnation of the Dalai Lama and vice versa, a practice many say has prompted China to install another boy, Gyaltsen Norbu, as the Panchen Lama.
Gyaltsen, who is generally not recognised by Tibetans, is being used by Beijing to supplant the Dalai Lama as the public face of Tibetan Buddhism in Tibet and elsewhere in China. In recent years he has taken on an increasingly political role and was recently appointed to China’s top government advisory body.
Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the
51st Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
Today marks the 51st anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising in 1959 against Communist China’s repression in Tibet, as well as the second anniversary of the peaceful protests that erupted across Tibet in March 2008. On this occasion, I pay homage to those heroic Tibetan men and women, who sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tibet, and pray for an early end to the sufferings of those still oppressed in Tibet.
Despite the great hardships Tibetans have faced for many decades, they have been able to keep up their courage and determination, preserve their compassionate culture and maintain their unique identity. It is inspiring that today a new generation of Tibetans continues to keep Tibet’s just cause alive. I salute the courage of those Tibetans still enduring fear and oppression.
Whatever circumstances we find ourselves in, it is the responsibility of all Tibetans to maintain equality, harmony and unity among the various nationalities, while continuing to protect our unique identity and culture. Many Tibetans in Tibetan areas are working in various responsible posts in the party, government and military, helping Tibetans in whatever way they can. We recognise the positive contribution that many of them have made up to now, and obviously when Tibet achieves meaningful autonomy in the future, they will have to continue to fulfil such responsibilities.
Let me reiterate that once the issue of Tibet is resolved, I will not take any political position nor will members of the Tibetan Administration in exile hold any positions in the government in Tibet. I have repeatedly made this clear in the past. To understand the situation of the Tibetans in exile and their aspirations, I invite Tibetan officials serving in various Tibetan autonomous areas to visit Tibetan communities living in the free world, either officially or in a private capacity, to observe the situation for themselves.
Wherever Tibetans in exile have settled, we have been able to preserve and promote our distinct cultural and spiritual traditions, while generating awareness of the Tibetan cause. Unlike other refugees, we have been relatively successful because we have also been able to give our children a sound modern education, while bringing them up according to our traditional values. And because the heads of all four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and the Bon religion are in exile we have been able to re-establish various institutions for religious training and practice. In these institutions over ten thousand monks and nuns are free to pursue their vocations. We have been readily able to provide educational opportunities for those monks, nuns and students who continue to come from Tibet. At the same time the unprecedented spread of Tibetan Buddhism in both East and West and the prospect of continuing to flourish in the future gives us hope that it may yet survive. This is some solace to us during this most critical period in Tibet’s history.
Today, the Chinese authorities are conducting various political campaigns, including a campaign of patriotic re-education, in many monasteries in Tibet. They are putting the monks and nuns in prison- like conditions, depriving them the opportunity to study and practise in peace. These conditions make the monasteries function more like museums and are intended to deliberately annihilate Buddhism.
Tibetan culture based on Buddhist values of compassion and non- violence benefits not only Tibetans, but also people in the world at large, including the Chinese. Therefore, we Tibetans should not place our hopes in material progress alone, which is why it is essential that all Tibetans, both inside and outside Tibet, should broaden their modern education hand in hand with our traditional values. Above all, as many young Tibetans as possible should strive to become experts and skilled professionals.
It is important that Tibetans maintain friendly relations not only with people of all nationalities, but also amongst themselves. Tibetans should not engage in petty disputes with each other. I earnestly appeal to them instead to resolve any differences with patience and understanding.
Whether the Chinese government acknowledges it or not, there is a serious problem in Tibet. As the world knows, this is evidenced by the fact that there is a huge military presence and restrictions on travel in Tibet. It is good for neither party. We have to take every opportunity to solve it. For more than 30 years, I have tried my best to enter into talks with the People’s Republic of China to resolve the issue of Tibet through the Middle-Way Approach that is of benefit to us both. Although I have clearly articulated Tibetan aspirations, which are in accordance with the constitution of the People’s Republic of China and the law on national regional autonomy, we have not obtained any concrete result. Judging by the attitude of the present Chinese leadership, there is little hope that a result will be achieved soon. Nevertheless, our stand to continue with the dialogue remains unchanged.
It is a matter of pride and satisfaction that our mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach and the justice of the Tibetan struggle have gained growing understanding and support year by year from many political and spiritual leaders, including the President of the United States of America, reputed non-governmental organisations, the international community, and in particular from Chinese intellectuals. It is evident that the Tibetan issue is not a dispute between the Chinese and Tibetan peoples, but has come about because of the ultra-leftist policies of the Chinese Communist authorities.
Since the demonstrations in Tibet in 2008, Chinese intellectuals inside and outside China have written more than 800 unbiased articles on the Tibetan issue. During my visits abroad, wherever I go, when I meet Chinese in general, particularly the intellectuals and students, they offer their genuine sympathy and support. Since the Sino-Tibetan problem ultimately has to be resolved by the two peoples themselves, I try to reach out to the Chinese people whenever I can to create a mutual understanding between us. Therefore, it is important for Tibetans everywhere to build closer relations with the Chinese people and try to make them aware of the truth of the Tibetan cause and the present situation in Tibet.
Let us also remember the people of East Turkestan who have experienced great difficulties and increased oppression and the Chinese intellectuals campaigning for greater freedom who have received severe sentences. I would like to express my solidarity and stand firmly with them.
It is also essential that the 1.3 billion Chinese people have free access to information about their own country and elsewhere, as well as freedom of expression and the rule of law. If there were greater transparency inside China, there would be greater trust, which would be the proper basis for promoting harmony, stability and progress. This is why everyone concerned must exert their efforts in this direction.
As a free spokesperson of the Tibetan people I have repeatedly spelled out their fundamental aspirations to the leaders of the People’s Republic of China. Their lack of a positive response is disappointing. Although the present authorities may cling to their hard-line stand, judging by the political changes taking place on the international stage as well as changes in the perspective of the Chinese people, there will be a time when truth will prevail. Therefore, it is important that everyone be patient and not give up.
We acknowledge the Central Government’s new decision taken at the Fifth Tibet Work Forum to implement their policies uniformly in all Tibetan areas to ensure future progress and development, which Premier Wen Jiabao also reiterated at the recent annual session of the National People’s Congress. This accords with our repeatedly expressed wish for a single administration for all those Tibetan areas. Similarly, we appreciate the development work that has taken place in Tibetan areas, particularly in the nomadic and farming regions. However, we must be vigilant that such progress does not damage our precious culture and language and the natural environment of the Tibetan plateau, which is linked to the well- being of the whole of Asia.
On this occasion, I wish to take the opportunity to offer my sincere thanks to the leaders of various nations, their intellectuals, the general public, Tibet Support Groups and others who cherish truth and justice for continuing to support the Tibetan cause despite the Chinese government’s pressure and harassment. Above all I wish to pay my heartfelt gratitude to the Government of India, the various State Governments, and the people of India for their continued generous support.
Finally, I offer prayers for the happiness and well-being of all sentient beings.
The Dalai Lama
10 March 2010
The Statement of the Kashag on the Fifty-First Anniversary
of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
Today — 10 March 2010 — marks the 51st anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising against the Chinese authorities. On this momentous day, the Kashag pays homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have laid down their lives for our spiritual and temporal cause. The Kashag also, in solidarity with those Tibetan compatriots who are presently undergoing torture inside Tibet, extends its best greetings and commiserations to all of them.
As detailed in the Kashag’s 10 March Statement of the previous year, we have witnessed both positive and negative developments during the last over 50 years. On the one hand, all Tibetans living inside and outside Tibet have endured tremendous hardships and our spirituality, polity and race have suffered irreparable damages. However, on the other hand, Tibetans inside Tibet of all ages have, without losing heart and inner strength, kept alive our struggle for truth all these years. In exile also, we have made great spiritual and political accomplishments, particularly in the fields of the preservation and promotion of Tibetan spirituality and culture. Today, while remembering all these things, the Kashag would especially like to express our deep sense of gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama because all the positive results that we have been able to accomplish during these years is due to His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s leadership.
From the last 10 March anniversary until now, the Tibetans in exile and their administration have been organising numerous programmes, or commemorative events, to mark the 50 years of their life in exile and to express their heartfelt “Thank You” to their host countries. As a part of this programme, an informal meeting of the employees of Central Tibetan administration (CTA) was held recently to reflect upon the past experiences and to propose ideas regarding our future plans. A summary of what transpired in this meeting, which has already been brought to the attention of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, includes, among other things, the CTA employees re- pledging themselves to the path of peace and non-violence in
carrying forward our struggle for truth until the eventual resolution of the Tibet issue. It is our firm belief that the larger Tibetan population inside and outside Tibet will join in this solemn pledge.
Of abiding concern to us is that no positive developments have taken place in Tibet since a new crisis developed on 10 March 2008. Therefore, the Kashag would like to urge the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to put an immediate halt to their inhuman and unlawful actions, including repression and violations of human rights in Tibet, as well as handing down death and long-term prison sentences to the Tibetan people without due process of law. The Kashag would also like to make an emphatic appeal to them to release all the innocent Tibetan prisoners, including the young Panchen Lama — Gendun Choekyi Nyima. Furthermore, the Kashag would like to appeal to the Tibetans inside Tibet to exercise utmost restraint and caution.
In the on-going dialogue process, we have presented to the concerned officials of the PRC the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People on 31 October 2008. In this memorandum, we have, besides articulating the fundamental aspirations of the Tibetan people inside and outside Tibet, requested for the full implementation of the National Regional Autonomy provisions as enshrined in the constitution. The Chinese side has, however, sought to distort or misrepresent the requests we have made in it. In order to offer clarifications to these, as well as to make a fresh request of two points, the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited Beijing this year and conducted ninth round of talks with their Chinese counterparts on 30 and 31 January. In this
latest round of talks, the envoys, as advised by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, put forward these two points for the Chinese government’s consideration:
1) The ultimate concern of His Holiness is only the welfare of the six-million Tibetan people. Regarding this, the Chinese central government contends that the Tibetan people in Tibet are leading a happy life to their satisfaction and that there is no such issue as the Tibet issue that needs to be resolved. We believe, however, that most of the Tibetans in Tibet face tremendous hardships. There is, among them, a strong feeling of dissatisfaction or discontentment in every respect — be it religion, politics, economy, language, culture or social conditions. In the light of such divergent views between the two sides, there is a need for us to collectively undertake a careful investigation of the situation on the ground so as to understand what the reality is. We would like to, therefore, request the Chinese government to undertake the proposed investigation in a manner that affords all Tibetans the real opportunity to express their true feelings without any fear and doubts in their minds. If, as a result of such an investigation, it is found that most of the Tibetan people do not believe there is a problem in Tibet and that they are completely satisfied with their lot, then this is what His Holiness the Dalai Lama is calling for. There is, then, no need for both sides to argue about the issue of Tibet in the future. Whereas if we find that most of the Tibetans are dissatisfied, then the Chinese central government should also — treading the path of “seeking truth from facts” — acknowledge that there is a problem in Tibet and start discussions to collectively find the ways and means of solving the problem.
2) The allegation that His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his exile organisation has instigated the spontaneous and peaceful uprising that rocked the whole of the Tibetan areas since 10 March 2008 is not true. Hence, this allegation is not acceptable to us. This has been put across to the Chinese leadership during the informal discussion that took place in Shenzhen. As a result, during the seventh round of talks, the Chinese central government accepted the reality by changing its stance from the “Three Stops” to “Four Not- to-Supports”. Of late, however, it has begun to make the same kind of allegations against us. A need has, therefore, arisen for the Chinese central government to clarify now as to whether its viewpoint is same as it was during the seventh round of talks, or has it changed since then. If it has indeed changed, then the Chinese central government should undertake an in-depth investigation — both inside and outside Tibet — to determine scientifically the truth of these accusations. The verdict of such
an investigation should be accepted by both the parties concerned. Moreover, we should make amends if we are found to be wrong. If we are not found to be wrong, then the Chinese central government must stop spreading lies, or making such baseless allegations, both domestically and internationally, and issue a clarification to this effect.
The Chinese government didn’t provide any clear answers to these two points and they also failed to exactly communicate our requests in its subsequent press briefings or statements. As for us, we will continue to press ahead with these two requests we made in a sincere and honest manner. If the views held by the Chinese central government — and what they say — have any truth in them, then it should not hesitate to subject these to investigation. All of us can vouch for the fact that once a proper investigation is undertaken, it will help clear things for the future, thus making it easier for all to see the reality.
During the past nine rounds of talks, the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama have stated categorically to the Chinese government that they have nothing to talk about the personal issue of His Holiness or about the issue of a few people surrounding him. The sole agenda of the dialogue process was to discuss about the welfare of the six-million Tibetan people. In none of these exchanges had they raised the personal issue of His Holiness. We have made this amply clear earlier and we would like to reiterate this today. Therefore, the Chinese government’s saying, through its official statements, that their purpose of engaging in dialogue with us is only to talk about the personal issue of His Holiness and not about the welfare of the Tibetan people is not true. This is simply irrelevant. Although there is no change whatsoever in our determination to engage in dialogue with the PRC until the issue of
Tibet is resolved once and for all, the Kashag would like to emphatically state that the agenda of the dialogue process should be only about the welfare of six-million Tibetans and nothing else. Therefore we reiterate that there is nothing to discuss about the personal welfare of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
Considering the Tibet problem to be a domestic issue that has to be resolved within the framework of the PRC, we are always engaging with the Chinese central government. However, the Chinese side continues to talk about His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the issue
of Tibet and exert enormous pressure in connection with these issues everywhere — be it in their bilateral relations with other countries or in various international forums. It is clear to all of us that this is what actually drives the issue of Tibet towards becoming an internationalised issue.
Our struggle is based on truth and non-violence. We have no doubt that if all Tibetans living inside and outside Tibet put their complete faith in the non-violent path that we have chosen and practise, then the truth of the issue of Tibet will prevail sooner rather than later. Today, there are an increasing number of justice- loving countries, peoples as well as religious and political leaders, showing great concern and support to the issue of Tibet. A significantly large number of Chinese intellectuals from Mainland China and from abroad are now beginning to appreciate and support His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way policy. Moreover, the truth about the Chinese government’s wrong policies in Tibet is becoming ever more evident these days. Particularly, the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy does not envisage victory for oneself and defeat for others. Envied by all the people of the world, it has the strong support of the USA and many other like-minded countries. Tibetan intellectuals inside Tibet, across three regions of Tibet, also admire and support it. Hence, the issue of Tibet has achieved — and is continuing to achieve — great results that have both the short- and long-term benefits. While expressing our immense gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for formulating such a genuine policy, the Kashag would like to pledge before Your Holiness that we will continue to uphold this policy without any doubt in our minds in the future.
Unimaginable atrocities and cruelty of the past about 60 years have not been able to shake the spirit and determination of the Tibetan people. The Chinese government is now further sharpening its strategy of employing deceit and money to destroy the spirit and unity of the Tibetan people. The Kashag believes that the Tibetan people will not fall prey to these Chinese deceptions. The unity among all the Tibetan people, which has remained intact for a long time now, has been strengthened after the popular uprising of 2008. The Kashag would like to urge all Tibetans to make efforts to further strengthen this bond of unity and to stay clear from the incitements or machinations of the other side to drive a wedge between us Tibetans. The Kashag would like to also urge that we Tibetans should caution by refraining from indulging in internal squabbles over petty matters.
Two important issues that the Tibetans inside Tibet must give a serious thought to are: 1) Tibetan youths should be encouraged to broaden their educational horizon by concentrating on both traditional and modern education and by acquiring professional and specialised skills in their chosen fields of study; and 2) explore all possible ways and means to save the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau from further degradation. These are non-political issues that have a strong bearing on the short- and long-term benefits of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. Therefore, it is very important for both sides to make collective efforts towards these ends. Similarly, everyone should make best efforts to put into practice the advices His Holiness the Dalai Lama give to the people of world in general and to the people of Tibet in particular, the advices of both spiritual and temporal aspect that have huge bearing not just in this life but also in many lives to come.
If the Tibetans, who are currently divided into many administrative units, could be brought under a single autonomous administration, it will be more helpful in devising a uniform policy to bring about all-round development in the fields of education, culture, health, etc. It will, in particular, help protect the unique culture and identity of Tibet. The request to bring all Tibetans under a single administration has now and again been made to the Chinese government since 1951. As such, during the recent Fifth Work Forum on Tibet, delegates from all Tibetan areas were summoned to deliberate upon a uniform development plan for all Tibetans. The Forum has also identified the fact that the Tibetans in general, and the Tibetan farmers and herders in particular, are lagging behind as far as the standard of living is concerned. We must take note of these developments indeed. We await the Chinese government to actually implement a uniform development programme for all the Tibetan-inhabited areas.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama will turn 75 on 6 July 2010. The Kashag plans to celebrate his coming birthday more elaborately than the previous ones with major spiritual activities. Similarly, our exile democracy will complete 50 years on 2 September, this year. Therefore, we are planning to commemorate this day as well. We hope that all Tibetans will bear these upcoming events in mind. Although it is very difficult for the Tibetans inside Tibet to openly come out and celebrate these upcoming events, we believe they will be able to join us Tibetan exiles in their hearts and minds.
To conclude, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. May the truth of the issue of Tibet prevail soon!
The Kashag
N.B. This has been translated from the original statement issued in Tibetan. If there is any discrepancy between the two, please treat the Tibetan version as authoritative and final.
China launches “Strike Hard” Campaign ahead of sensitive anniversary
Press Release
TCHRD/ENG
March 3, 2010
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy(TCHRD) condemns in strongest term over
Chinese authorities — launching of the –“Strike Hard” campaign aimed at carrying out further detentions of Tibetans in Tibet as the March anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising approaches.
According to information given in the official newspaper Lhasa Evening News (Ch: Lasa Wen Bao)
today, “the Lhasa City Public Security Bureau (PSB) officials under the order of Lhasa City
government, the “Tibet Autonomous Region” (“TAR”) PSB, “TAR” Party Committee and Lhasa City Party Committee had carried out the “Strike Hard” Campaign from 9:00PM (Beijing standard time)
yesterday across the Tibetan Capital, Lhasa. “The campaign was also launched across all seven
prefectures under the “TAR” in order to strike hard according to law against all kinds of criminal activity and to vigorously uphold the social order and stability.” The length of this campaign was not mentioned and it may last for months.
Additional security forces in full combat gear were deployed in and around Lhasa City and at its
every entry points to the city. Vehicles plying to and from Lhasa city were thoroughly searched
and requiring anyone entering or leaving the city to show identification. New security barricades
were set up to look for any possible suspects and round-the-clock security measures were also
undertaken. Security forces in combat uniform were seen patrolling the major gathering points,
high prone areas, and raids were also carried out in guest houses. There is no information on how
this campaign has fared in other prefectures under the “TAR”.
According to the official report, the Lhasa City PSB officials during the campaign last night
detained 70 people without official registration card and identity card from rented houses located
on the Sera Road. Seven counties under the Lhasa Municipality also carried out the “strike hard”
campaign on war footing with major search and raid being carried out.
The new “Strike Hard” campaign is being launched after years of severely tight security and most
repressive political conditions in Tibet. Unlike previous “strike hard” campaigns which mostly
focused in Lhasa city, this time the campaign has been launched across the “TAR” simultaneously.
This new development signals authorities “hardening policies in Tibet and the authorities”
pre emptive move to squash any imminent new protest in the coming days.
“Strike Hard” campaigns are normally carried out in various parts of the People’s Republic of
China prior to major events, including national holidays, anniversaries, as well as before the
main annual government and Party conferences often with the stated intention of “cleansing the
social environment.” The “strike hard” campaign launched yesterday could be a prelude to a series
of arbitrary detention and arrests prior to the 10 March Anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising, the
Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPCC), China’s top advisory body that
convenes today and the annual plenary sessions of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) on Friday.
Though the primary objective of the current “strike hard” campaign was mentioned as fighting
criminals, upholding social order and stability, however, the TCHRD believes the primary motive
behind this infamous campaign as the authorities’ attempt to detain those Tibetans suspected to be
“involved in political activism, target former political prisoners and Tibetan residents from outside Lhasa city, monks and nuns as sensitive date approaches. Under this campaign, the Chinese
law enforcement bodies abuse the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people through
arbitrary arrest, detention, interrogation and torture, dismissal from jobs and expulsion from
religious institutions. TCHRD condemns the launch of “strike hard” campaign and question the motive behind the campaign.”
With unprecedented levels of security presence already throughout Tibet, with the launch of this
campaign, TCHRD fears a widespread unlawful detentions of Tibetans will intensify in the
coming weeks and months, and that they may be used to silence, intimidate and stifle political
dissent in the build up to the 10 March Anniversary when the authorities fear fresh unrest following the wave of protests that swept across the Tibetan plateau in the past couple of years.
Contact: chris@christinemccann.com
First of all I would like to wish you all a Happy Tibetan New Year- Losar- Year 2137, Year of the Iron Tiger, which falls on 14th February. May this year bring positive changes for Tibet.
Although many countries have been putting pressure on China to come to a lasting solution with Tibetan representatives, so far nothing concrete has eventuated. Since 2002, when talks restarted, representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama have met with their Chinese counterparts nine times. We understand that during the seventh round, China asked the Tibetan side to produce a concrete proposal. This they did on the following round, presenting China with a Memorandum, in which every point is guaranteed under the Chinese Constitution, but China flatly refused to discuss this, which shows that she is not serious in finding a lasting solution for Tibet. You can read the full text of the Memorandum on our website www.friends-of-tibet.org.nz As many of you know, the latest round of talks was held in late January this year. Again, it was all words and no substance from China. This time, China has made more demands from the Tibetan side. They know that these will not be acceptable by the Tibetan people. As well, China seems intent on discussing only the possible return to Tibet of His Holiness. This is not the main purpose of these meetings.
Over the past few years, China has been putting much pressure on foreign governments, New Zealand included, not to meet His Holiness when he visits their countries, and many are buckling to those demands. It is ironic that China criticises other governments for “interfering in China’s internal affairs”, yet has no problem in poking its nose in the affairs of other countries. The latest example is China has removed the University of Calgary from their accredited list because the university
awarded His Holiness an honorary Doctorate last year. International governments must not give in to China’s bullying tactics.
US President Obama is due to meet His Holiness in the near future: let’s hope that he stands his moral grounds on which the United States were built.
It was with mix feelings amongst all Tibetans that we learned the passing away of Ngapo Ngawang Jigme in Beijing on December 2009. He was nearly 100 years old. He was the one of the Tibetan government’s delegation that were send to negotiate with China’s “peaceful Liberation of Tibet” he was made to sign the 17 Point Agreement in 1951 under duress. He worked for the Chinese Government until his death in December 2009. (read brief article on Ngapo Ngawang Jigme in this newsletter)
10th March-Tibet Uprising Day: 10th March will be commemorated in various ways throughout New Zealand, as well as the rest of the free world. Please check with your local branch for activities. Phone numbers are below or see the local branch news.
With best wishes and Tashi Delek,
Thuten Kesang,
National Chairman.
China removes accreditation from University of Calgary after Dalai Lama honour
By Gwendolyn Richards
The Calgary Herald (Canada)
February 4, 2010
CALGARY — The Chinese government has removed the University of Calgary from its list of accredited
institutions — a move school officials are concerned is connected to the Dalai Lama’s visit last fall.
The university hosted the Tibetan spiritual leader and awarded him an honourary degree when he visited the city in September.
In December, officials were made aware the Chinese government had removed the university from a list posted on the Ministry of Education’s website.Now the university is trying to see what impact that will have on Chinese nationals who have already obtained a degree or are working toward one at the institution.
“Our biggest concern is we don’t want to disadvantage current or prospective students or our alumni,” university spokeswoman Colleen Turner said Wednesday.
The Chinese government has made no official communication to the university indicating what it has done or why.
The university learned of the move late last year after an employee in the international student centre and a handful of students raised the issue. They did not indicate to the university how they heard about the move, Turner said.
While there has been no confirmation the sanction is a result of the university’s involvement in the Dalai Lama’s visit, Turner said the university is concerned there is a link.
A spokeswoman with the Chinese consulate in Calgary would not respond to questions about why the government removed the university’s name, saying only cryptically that the U of C “should know.”
The Herald has learned officials from the Chinese consulate in Calgary met with university representatives in April when they outlined they did not want the Dalai Lama on the campus and they were against him being awarded an honorary degree.
The spiritual leader did not go to the campus, but was given an honorary doctor of laws at the start of the two-day conference on Sept. 30.
He has been awarded more than 25 honorary degrees from institutions around the world, including the University of British Columbia, Simon Fraser University and University of Toronto and others in the U.S., Italy, Australia and Germany.
“We knew at the time the decision to bring in the Dalai Lama would not be without controversy. All of that said, the decision to bring in the Dalai Lama was not intended to dishonour or disvalue our relationship with our Chinese partners or the Chinese community,” Turner said.
The university currently has about 600 students from mainland China and Hong Kong.
Tibetan culture can benefit humanity: Dalai Lama
December 27th, 2009 – 9:24 pm ICT by IANS –
Dharamsala, Dec 27 (IANS) Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, Sunday said it is important to preserve and promote Tibetan culture which has the potential to benefit humanity. There is a need for preserving and promoting the Tibetan Buddhist culture, which has the potential to benefit the humanity,? the Dalai Lama said while addressing the inaugural session of the Fifth Tibetan general conference on education at Tibetan Children’s Village here.
The efforts made in education by the Tibetans is one of the biggest achievements in the past five decades in exile. But there is a need for reviewing the past to rectify the mistakes and make even greater progress in the standard of education.
There is also need for holding open and interactive discussion to explore effective ways to improve the quality of learning both in traditional Tibetan studies and modern education he told the participants attending the conference.
More than 200 participants representing 85 Tibetan schools from across India, Nepal and Bhutan are attending the three-day conference.
The Nobel laureate also emphasised the need to introduce study of Buddhist philosophy and dialectic in the school-curriculum.
He also emphasised the importance of translating teachings of Buddha and other Buddhist masters into the Chinese language.
The Dalai Lama along with many of his supporters fled Tibet and took refuge in India when Chinese troops moved in and took control of Lhasa in 1959.
He has ever since been heading the Tibetan government-in-exile here. No country recognizes the government-in-exile.
STATEMENT BY SPECIAL ENVOY OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA, KASUR LODI GYARI, HEAD OF THE DELEGATION WHICH VISITED CHINA IN JANUARY 2010
Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen and I, accompanied by two members of our Task Force, Tenzin P. Atisha and Bhuchung K. Tsering, and Jigmey Passang from the Task Force Secretariat, visited China from January 26 to 31, 2010, for the ninth round of discussions with representatives of the Chinese leadership. This round was held after a gap of 15 months. We returned to Dharamsala on February 1, 2010 and have formally reported today to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kalon Tripa Samdhong Rinpoche, as well as the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
In Beijing, we had a session with Mr. Du Qinglin, Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference as well as Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, on January 30. We had a day-long discussion with Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar on January 31, 2010. Mr. Nyima Tsering, a Vice Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region People’s Congress, also participated in these meetings.
We first arrived in Changsha, capital of Hunan Province, on January 26, 2010. Before beginning our programmes there, we formally presented to the Central United Front Work Department, a Note relating to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for All Tibetans that we had given during the previous eighth round of dialogue in November 2008. The Note contained seven points that addressed the fundamental issues raised by the Chinese leadership during the eighth round and some constructive suggestions for a way forward in the dialogue process. The seven points include respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC, respecting the Constitution of the PRC, respecting the “Three Adherences,” respecting the hierarchy and authority of the Chinese Central Government, Concerns raised by the Central Government on specific competencies referred to the Memorandum, recognising the core issue, and offering His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s cooperation for a mutually beneficial solution.
The Note made clear that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other members of the exiled leadership have no personal demands to make. His Holiness’ concern is with the rights and welfare of the Tibetan people. Therefore, the fundamental issue that needs to be resolved is the faithful implementation of genuine autonomy that will enable the Tibetan people to govern themselves in accordance with their own genius and needs.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama speaks on behalf of the Tibetan people, with whom he has a deep and historical relationship and one based on full trust. It cannot be disputed that His Holiness legitimately represents the Tibetan people, and he is certainly viewed as their true representative and spokesperson by them. It is indeed only by means of dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama that the Tibetan issue can be resolved. The recognition of this reality is important.
We emphasised the point that His Holiness’ engagement for the cause of Tibet is not for the purpose of claiming certain personal rights or political position for himself, nor attempting to stake claims for the Tibetan Administration in Exile.
We called upon the Chinese side to stop the baseless accusations against His Holiness and labeling him a separatist. Instead, we urge the Chinese leadership to work with him to find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem based on the Memorandum. This will ensure stability, unity and the development of a harmonious society.
The Chinese side laid out “Four Not to Indulge In” points to outline their position. They also provided us with a detailed briefing on recent developments relating to Tibet, particularly on the important Fifth Tibet Work Forum. They said the Forum decided to further improve the livelihood of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region and all Tibetan areas, specifically in public services, such as education, medical services, and environmental protection. Based on the initial reports that we had of the Forum, we welcomed the issues it has taken up to improve the lives of the Tibetan people specially in rural areas. We welcome the fact that the Fifth Tibet Work Forum has looked into the issues of development in all Tibetan areas – The Tibet Autonomous Region as well as other Tibetan areas. It is our strong belief that all the Tibetan areas must be under a uniform policy and a single administration. If we take away the political slogans, many of the issues that have been prioritised by the Forum are similar to the basic needs of the Tibetan people outlined in our Memorandum.
A major difference between the two sides is the conflicting perspectives on the current situation inside Tibet. So, in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, we suggested a common effort to study the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of seeking truth from facts. This will help both the sides to move beyond each others’ contentions.
In the coming days we will be studying the issues raised by our counterparts, including the proceedings of the Fifth Tibet Work Forum and the “Four Not to Indulge In” points. As we had urged during our meeting, it is my sincere hope that the Chinese leadership will also seriously reflect on the issues raised by us. Since His Holiness the Dalai Lama has consistently made his position clear on the future of Tibet within the framework of the People’s Republic of China, given political will on the Chinese leadership’s side we do not see any reason why we cannot find a common ground on these issues. We would like to reiterate His Holiness’s continued willingness to work with the Chinese Central Government in this so that the Tibetan people can regain their pride and dignity and the People’s Republic of China’s stability and unity are ensured.
We thank our hosts, the Hunan United Front, Beijing United Front, and the Central United Front Work Department, for their hospitality during this visit.
February 2, 2010
Dharamsala
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, 1910-2009
Tibetinfo.net
28. Dec 2009ISSN: 1864-1407
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme (Chin: Apei Awang Jinmei) died on 23 December 2009 in Beijing, a few months before his 100st birthday, though he was already 100 by Tibetan reckoning. Often denounced as a Chinese collaborator, mainly for his historical role in the demise of Tibetan independence, Ngapo, appears rather a tragic figure caught his whole life between, on the one hand, his view that open confrontation with China was pointless and on the other hand his loyalty towards the Dalai Lama and his fellow Tibetans.
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme
Ngapo, who came from the Horkhang family, one of Tibet’s highest aristocratic families, was appointed one of the four Kalons (minister) in the cabinet of the traditional Tibetan government (Kashag) under the last regent of Tibet, Tagdra Rinpoche.
A few weeks before an expeditionary force of China’s People’s Liberation army (PLA) entered the territory still under jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama’s government, Ngapo was sent as a governor of eastern Tibet and took up the post in the city of Chamdo (Chin: Qamdo) with, as his military support, an ill-equipped Tibetan army which for decades had been neglected, if not intentionally held weak, by the conservative establishment in Lhasa. Facing an overwhelming Chinese force and sensing that Tibet, with the departure of the British from India, could not count on effective international support, he opted for surrender in October 1950, and advised the Tibetan government to negotiate, prompting the departure of the Dalai Lama and his entourage to Chumbi/Dromo, on the border of Sikkim.
He then led the Tibetan delegation who, under heavy pressure, signed the 17-point Agreement on 23 May 1951, by which Tibet lost the de facto independence it had enjoyed during most of the first half of the 20th century, and became part of the emerging People’s Republic of China (PRC).
During the crisis of March 1959, Ngapo apparently did not consider following the Dalai Lama into exile, but characteristically, he discreetly did as much as he deemed he could to ensure his safety. As masses of Tibetans surrounded the Norbu Lingka amidst rumours that Chinese forces planned to kidnap the Tibetan leader, the Chinese general in charge had lost his communication link to the Dalai Lama, claiming: “Not a drop of water could have trickled through”. As days passed, the Chinese authorities decided to use force. Ngapo therefore called Kashoepa, his friend and former fellow cabinet minister, to his home, where he looked after his wife, and requested him to ensure delivery of the general’s correspondence to which he enclosed a confidential message of his own, asking the Dalai Lama to locate on a map his whereabouts in the Palace, so he could divert the Chinese army’s shelling from that particular location. He rightly reckoned that the crowd would not oppose Kashoepa’s passage as he was a popular patron of the monasteries. Kashoepa conveyed in total two letters between the Chinese general and the Dalai Lama, which he delivered through his root guru, Trijang Rinpoche, the junior tutor of the Dalai Lama.
Ngapo, who had already been courted by the Chinese authorities during the 1950s, was given a number of honorific positions in ‘liberated’ Tibet and the PRC, second only to the Panchen Lama. In contrast to the experiences of many Tibetans, even Communists like ‘Baba’ Phuntsog Wangyal (‘Phunwang’), he managed to escape all the purges during the 1960s-70s. Among the posts he held was membership of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TARPC), vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress (NPC) Standing Committee, China’s rubber-stamping parliament, from 1964 to 1993, and vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). However, like a handful of Tibetans in similar positions, none of his posts ever entailed any real political power, and his role was at best in a ceremonial or advisory capacity.
Ngapo’s surrender in Chamdo and the signing of the 17-point Agreement earned him a reputation of being a shrewd opportunist, if not an outright traitor. Malicious rumours about his personal conduct – for example the allegations that he was something of a rake with gambling debts – already dogged him in the 1950s. The official posts he later held, his apparently perfect alignment behind the Party line, the official stances he time and again was made to lend his voice to, and even his penchant for cadre dress, made him a figure of contempt among Tibetans, particularly in exile.
It is only in the 1980s, when contacts between the Dalai Lama and Beijing resumed, and Ngapo had carefully aligned himself with the Panchen Lama’s efforts to revive Tibetan culture, that he assumed a more positive role. His efforts to act for the benefit of ethnic Tibetans within the narrow parameters of being a central public figure on a stage set and directed by the Communist Party of China (CPC)(1), found acknowledgement in a statement by the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) – the Government in Exile – issued one day after his death, which honoured him as “someone who upheld the spirit of the Tibetan people” and mourned his demise.
For others, particularly among advocates of Tibetan independence, who reject the Dalai Lama’s calls for autonomy within the PRC, Ngapo still remains a symbol of Tibetan collaboration and submissiveness. Exile Tibetan writer Bhuchung D. Sonam, called him “a perfect (…) opportunist”, who “from his vantage position (…) sensed which side was winning”, and “shrewd and calculative”, had “made sure to be with the winner”.
Notes:
1: A comparison with the Panchen Lama who openly and successfully supported the Tibetan renaissance after his rehabilitation is not entirely fair, because, as a religious leader, the Panchen Lama was graced with a fervent following, which put him in a far stronger position than Ngapo.
An excellent analysis of Tibetan’s survival struggle
By Manju Gupta
Tibet: The Lost Frontier, Claude Arpi, Lancer Publishers, Pp 338, Rs 795 (HB)
The author begins by paying her respects to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for “perhaps even more than the enlightened insights on Tibetan history and the issue of Tibet which he has given during several interviews. I am grateful to ‘Kundun’ simply for his ‘presence’ in this often adharmic world.”
The book introduces the main character in the tragedy that overtook the Roof of the World -Tibet – in 1950, which turned the destinies of India, Tibet and China. The three nations had the choice of going towards peace and collaboration or tension or confrontation, but each one chose its fate with all the consequences that followed. The end of the 40s saw the entry of a new player in the great game of free Asia and that was China. A new emperor, Mao Zedong ascended the throne of the Middle Kingdom. His counterpart was a British-educated Jawaharlal Nehru. On the one side of the chessboard was Mao, the great helmsman who believed in real world only; on the other side was the idealist Nehru who was a dreamer. In 1947, when General Sir Robert Lokhart took the paper containing the recommendations for building up a defence policy for India to Nehru, the latter ignored the suggestion saying that the police was good enough “to meet our security needs”. Mao knew his Indian interlocutor, the champion of non-violence well enough and feared no danger from him.
In Tibet, 15-year old Dalai Lama was enthroned as Tenzin Gyatso, who by religion and temperament showed many convictions dear to Nehru but supported Mao’s view that his country needed ‘socialist’ reforms. However, he was never to be allowed to implement them.
In India, two other characters, apart from Nehru, were KM Panikkar and VK Krishna Menon who played a negative role in the tragedy that unfolded. Panikkar believed that Mao was “the chosen leader of the resurgent people” and wholly supported China.
The book says that Beijing believed that Nehru wanted to be the leader of Asia and that the Chinese goal was to bring the communist revolution to Asia and at a later stage, to the entire world. In the struggle between capitalism and socialism, the Chinese leaders considered Nehru an obstacle. In October 1949, Mao Zedong had even disclosed, “Like free China, free India will one day emerge in the socialist and people’s democratic family. That day will end the imperialist reactionary era in the history of mankind.”
Mao had said after the 1962 Chinese attack in NEFA that people may ask if China had any intention to abandon a territory gained by heroic battle, but “does it mean that the heroic fighters shed their blood in vain and to no purpose?” For him and his comrades, imperialist tendencies mattered. Historian Dr RC Majumdar has shed light on this by saying, “It is characteristic of China that if a region once acknowledged her nominal suzerainty even for a short period, she would regard it as a part of her empire forever and would automatically revive her claim over it even after a thousand years, whenever there was a chance of enforcing it.”
While Nehru and the Dalai Lama, both “adept in the philosophy of non-violence, were ready to accept many compromises to avoid struggle or conflict, the Chinese did not find anything wrong in war and upheaval.” The author points out that the Indian leaders fooled themselves in believing in the ?Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai? doctrine when the Chinese aims “were always clear, loud and publicly assumed; nowhere did these plans ever move towards a friendship with India.”
George Ginsburg, who wrote Communist China and Tibet, had said, “He who holds Tibet dominates the Himalayan piedmont; he who dominates the Himalayan piedmont, threatens the Indian subcontinent; and he who threatens the Indian subcontinent may well have all south-east Asia within his reach, and all of Asia.” Mao Zedong, the strategist, knew this well as did the British who had always manoeuvred to keep Tibet as an ‘autonomous’ buffer zone between their Indian colony and the Chinese and Russian empires. The author says that the Government of India, upon inheriting the past treaties of the British, should have kept the British mantle with its advantages for Indian security and its sense of responsibility vis-ê-vis Tibet; “unfortunately fearing to be labelled a neo-colonialist state, they failed lamentably, giving no thought to the consequences which would follow.”
The author of this book makes a very pertinent point regarding China’s claims on Arunachal and Aksai Chin. The Chinese have been claiming both the disputed areas of Aksai Chin and Arunachal because “it costs them (the Chinese) nothing to exchange their claim on Arunachal against the ?legalisation? of their occupation of Aksai Chin.” The recent incursion in Arunachal Pradesh is probably a Chinese bluff to “replace their illegal occupation of Aksai Chin.” She suggests that if India wants peace with China, “it would certainly be in India’s interest if Delhi decides to help the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people to find a negotiated solution with Beijing.”
(Lancer Publishers, 2/42 (B) Sarvapirya Vihar, New Delhi-110 016.)
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