China launches “Strike Hard” Campaign ahead of sensitive anniversary

Press Release

TCHRD/ENG
March  3, 2010
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy(TCHRD) condemns in strongest term over
Chinese authorities — launching of the –“Strike Hard” campaign aimed at carrying out further detentions of Tibetans in Tibet as the March anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising approaches.
According to information given in the official newspaper Lhasa Evening News (Ch: Lasa Wen Bao)
today, “the Lhasa City Public Security Bureau (PSB) officials under the order of Lhasa City
government, the “Tibet Autonomous Region” (“TAR”) PSB, “TAR” Party Committee and Lhasa City Party Committee had carried out the “Strike Hard” Campaign from 9:00PM (Beijing standard time)
yesterday across the Tibetan Capital, Lhasa. “The campaign was also launched across all seven
prefectures under the “TAR” in order to strike hard according to law against all kinds of criminal activity and to vigorously uphold the social order and stability.” The length of this campaign was not mentioned and it may last for months.
Additional security forces in full combat gear were deployed in and around Lhasa City and at its
every entry points to the city. Vehicles plying to and from Lhasa city were thoroughly searched
and requiring anyone entering or leaving the city to show identification. New security barricades
were set up to look for any possible suspects and round-the-clock security measures were also
undertaken. Security forces in combat uniform were seen patrolling the major gathering points,
high prone areas, and raids were also carried out in guest houses. There is no information on how
this campaign has fared in other prefectures under the “TAR”.
According to the official report, the Lhasa City PSB officials during the campaign last night
detained 70 people without official registration card and identity card from rented houses located
on the Sera Road. Seven counties under the Lhasa Municipality also carried out the “strike hard”
campaign on war footing with major search and raid being carried out.
The new “Strike Hard” campaign is being launched after years of severely tight security and most
repressive political conditions in Tibet. Unlike previous “strike hard” campaigns which mostly
focused in Lhasa city, this time the campaign has been launched across the “TAR” simultaneously.
This new development signals authorities “hardening policies in Tibet and the authorities”
pre emptive move to squash any imminent new protest in the coming days.
“Strike Hard” campaigns are normally carried out in various parts of the People’s Republic of
China prior to major events, including national holidays, anniversaries, as well as before the
main annual government and Party conferences often with the stated intention of “cleansing the
social environment.” The “strike hard” campaign launched yesterday could be a prelude to a series
of arbitrary detention and arrests prior to the 10 March Anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising, the
Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPCC), China’s top advisory body that
convenes today and the annual plenary sessions of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) on Friday.
Though the primary objective of the current “strike hard” campaign was mentioned as fighting
criminals, upholding social order and stability, however, the TCHRD believes the primary motive
behind this infamous campaign as the authorities’ attempt to detain those Tibetans suspected to be
“involved in political activism, target former political prisoners and Tibetan residents from outside Lhasa city, monks and nuns as sensitive date approaches. Under this campaign, the Chinese
law enforcement bodies abuse the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people through
arbitrary arrest, detention, interrogation and torture, dismissal from jobs and expulsion from
religious institutions. TCHRD condemns the launch of “strike hard” campaign and question the motive behind the campaign.”
With unprecedented levels of security presence already throughout Tibet, with the launch of this
campaign, TCHRD fears a widespread unlawful detentions of Tibetans will intensify in the
coming weeks and months, and that they may be used to silence, intimidate and stifle political
dissent in the build up to the 10 March Anniversary when the authorities fear fresh unrest following the wave of protests that swept across the Tibetan plateau in the past couple of years.
Contact: chris@christinemccann.com

First of all I would like to wish you all a Happy Tibetan New Year- Losar- Year 2137, Year of the Iron Tiger, which falls on 14^th February. May this year bring positive changes for Tibet.
Although many countries have been putting pressure on China to come to a lasting solution with Tibetan representatives, so far nothing concrete has eventuated. Since 2002, when talks restarted, representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama have met with their Chinese counterparts nine times. We understand that during the seventh round, China asked the Tibetan side to produce a concrete proposal. This they did on the following round, presenting China with a Memorandum, in which every point is guaranteed under the Chinese Constitution, but China flatly refused to discuss this, which shows that she is not serious in finding a lasting solution for Tibet. You can read the full text of the Memorandum on our website www.friends-of-tibet.org.nz As many of you know, the latest round of talks was held in late January this year. Again, it was all words and no substance from China. This time, China has made more demands from the Tibetan side. They know that these will not be acceptable by the Tibetan people. As well, China seems intent on discussing only the possible return to Tibet of His Holiness. This is not the main purpose of these meetings.
Over the past few years, China has been putting much pressure on foreign governments, New Zealand included, not to meet His Holiness when he visits their countries, and many are buckling to those demands. It is ironic that China criticises other governments for “interfering in China’s internal affairs”, yet has no problem in poking its nose in the affairs of other countries. The latest example is China has removed the University of Calgary from their accredited list because the university
awarded His Holiness an honorary Doctorate last year. International governments must not give in to China’s bullying tactics.
US President Obama is due to meet His Holiness in the near future: let’s hope that he stands his moral grounds on which the United States were built.
It was with mix feelings amongst all Tibetans that we learned the passing away of Ngapo Ngawang Jigme in Beijing on December 2009. He was nearly 100 years old. He was the one of the Tibetan government’s delegation that were send to negotiate with China’s “peaceful Liberation of Tibet” he was made to sign the 17 Point Agreement in 1951 under duress. He worked for the Chinese Government until his death in December 2009.  (read brief article on Ngapo Ngawang Jigme in this newsletter)

10^th March-Tibet Uprising Day: 10^th March will be commemorated in various ways throughout New Zealand, as well as the rest of the free world. Please check with your local branch for activities. Phone numbers are below or see the local branch news.
With best wishes and Tashi Delek,
Thuten Kesang,
National Chairman.

China removes accreditation from University of Calgary after Dalai Lama honour
By Gwendolyn Richards
The Calgary Herald (Canada)
February 4, 2010
CALGARY — The Chinese government has removed the University of Calgary from its list of accredited
institutions — a move school officials are concerned is connected to the Dalai Lama’s visit last fall.
The university hosted the Tibetan spiritual leader and awarded him an honourary degree when he visited the city in September.
In December, officials were made aware the Chinese government had removed the university from a list posted on the Ministry of Education’s website.Now the university is trying to see what impact that will have on Chinese nationals who have already obtained a degree or are working toward one at the institution.
“Our biggest concern is we don’t want to disadvantage current or prospective students or our alumni,” university spokeswoman Colleen Turner said Wednesday.
The Chinese government has made no official communication to the university indicating what it has done or why.
The university learned of the move late last year after an employee in the international student centre and a handful of students raised the issue. They did not indicate to the university how they heard about the move, Turner said.
While there has been no confirmation the sanction is a result of the university’s involvement in the Dalai Lama’s visit, Turner said the university is concerned there is a link.
A spokeswoman with the Chinese consulate in Calgary would not respond to questions about why the government removed the university’s name, saying only cryptically that the U of C “should know.”
The Herald has learned officials from the Chinese consulate in Calgary met with university representatives in April when they outlined they did not want the Dalai Lama on the campus and they were against him being awarded an honorary degree.
The spiritual leader did not go to the campus, but was given an honorary doctor of laws at the start of the two-day conference on Sept. 30.
He has been awarded more than 25 honorary degrees from institutions around the world, including the University of British Columbia, Simon Fraser University and University of Toronto and others in the U.S., Italy, Australia and Germany.
“We knew at the time the decision to bring in the Dalai Lama would not be without controversy. All of that said, the decision to bring in the Dalai Lama was not intended to dishonour or disvalue our relationship with our Chinese partners or the Chinese community,” Turner said.
The university currently has about 600 students from mainland China and Hong Kong.

Tibetan culture can benefit humanity: Dalai Lama
December 27th, 2009 – 9:24 pm ICT by IANS  –
Dharamsala, Dec 27 (IANS) Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, Sunday said it is important to preserve and promote Tibetan culture which has the potential to benefit humanity. There is a need for preserving and promoting the Tibetan Buddhist culture, which has the potential to benefit the humanity,? the Dalai Lama said while addressing the inaugural session of the Fifth Tibetan general conference on education at Tibetan Children’s Village here.
The efforts made in education by the Tibetans is one of the biggest achievements in the past five decades in exile. But there is a need for reviewing the past to rectify the mistakes and make even greater progress in the standard of education.
There is also need for holding open and interactive discussion to explore effective ways to improve the quality of learning both in traditional Tibetan studies and modern education  he told the participants attending the conference.
More than 200 participants representing 85 Tibetan schools from across India, Nepal and Bhutan are attending the three-day conference.
The Nobel laureate also emphasised the need to introduce study of Buddhist philosophy and dialectic in the school-curriculum.
He also emphasised the importance of translating teachings of Buddha and other Buddhist masters into the Chinese language.
The Dalai Lama along with many of his supporters fled Tibet and took refuge in India when Chinese troops moved in and took control of Lhasa in 1959.
He has ever since been heading the Tibetan government-in-exile here. No country recognizes the government-in-exile.

STATEMENT BY SPECIAL ENVOY OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA, KASUR LODI GYARI, HEAD OF THE DELEGATION WHICH VISITED CHINA IN JANUARY 2010
Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen and I, accompanied by two members of our Task Force, Tenzin P. Atisha and Bhuchung K. Tsering,  and Jigmey Passang from the Task Force Secretariat, visited China from January 26 to 31, 2010, for the ninth round of discussions with representatives of the Chinese leadership. This round was held after a gap of 15 months. We returned to Dharamsala on February 1, 2010 and have formally reported today to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kalon Tripa Samdhong Rinpoche, as well as the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
In Beijing, we had a session with Mr. Du Qinglin, Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference as well as Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, on January 30. We had a day-long discussion with Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar on January 31, 2010. Mr. Nyima Tsering, a Vice Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region People’s Congress, also participated in these meetings.
We first arrived in Changsha, capital of Hunan Province, on January 26, 2010. Before beginning our programmes there, we formally presented to the Central United Front Work Department, a Note relating to the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for All Tibetans that we had given during the previous eighth round of dialogue in November 2008. The Note contained seven points that addressed the fundamental issues raised by the Chinese leadership during the eighth round and some constructive suggestions for a way forward in the dialogue process. The seven points include respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC, respecting the Constitution of the PRC, respecting the “Three Adherences,” respecting the hierarchy and authority of the Chinese Central Government, Concerns raised by the Central Government on specific competencies referred to the Memorandum, recognising the core issue, and offering His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s cooperation for a mutually beneficial solution.
The Note made clear that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other members of the exiled leadership have no personal demands to make.  His Holiness’ concern is with the rights and welfare of the Tibetan people.  Therefore, the fundamental issue that needs to be resolved is the faithful implementation of genuine autonomy that will enable the Tibetan people to govern themselves in accordance with their own genius and needs.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama speaks on behalf of the Tibetan people, with whom he has a deep and historical relationship and one based on full trust. It cannot be disputed that His Holiness legitimately represents the Tibetan people, and he is certainly viewed as their true representative and spokesperson by them.  It is indeed only by means of dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama that the Tibetan issue can be resolved.  The recognition of this reality is important.
We emphasised the point that His Holiness’ engagement for the cause of Tibet is not for the purpose of claiming certain personal rights or political position for himself, nor attempting to stake claims for the Tibetan Administration in Exile.
We called upon the Chinese side to stop the baseless accusations against His Holiness and labeling him a separatist. Instead, we urge the Chinese leadership to work with him to find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem based on the Memorandum.  This will ensure stability, unity and the development of a harmonious society.
The Chinese side laid out “Four Not to Indulge In” points to outline their position. They also provided us with a detailed briefing on recent developments relating to Tibet, particularly on the important Fifth Tibet Work Forum.  They said the Forum decided to further improve the livelihood of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region and all Tibetan areas, specifically in public services, such as education, medical services, and environmental protection. Based on the initial reports that we had of the Forum, we welcomed the issues it has taken up to improve the lives of the Tibetan people specially in rural areas. We welcome the fact that the Fifth Tibet Work Forum has looked into the issues of development in all Tibetan areas – The Tibet Autonomous Region as well as other Tibetan areas.  It is our strong belief that all the Tibetan areas must be under a uniform policy and a single administration. If we take away the political slogans, many of the issues that have been prioritised by the Forum are similar to the basic needs of the Tibetan people outlined in our Memorandum.
A major difference between the two sides is the conflicting perspectives on the current situation inside Tibet.  So, in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, we suggested a common effort to study the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of seeking truth from facts. This will help both the sides to move beyond each others’ contentions.
In the coming days we will be studying the issues raised by our counterparts, including the proceedings of the Fifth Tibet Work Forum and the “Four Not to Indulge In” points. As we had urged during our meeting, it is my sincere hope that the Chinese leadership will also seriously reflect on the issues raised by us.  Since His Holiness the Dalai Lama has consistently made his position clear on the future of Tibet within the framework of the People’s Republic of China, given political will on the Chinese leadership’s side we do not see any reason why we cannot find a common ground on these issues.  We would like to reiterate His Holiness’s continued willingness to work with the Chinese Central Government in this so that the Tibetan people can regain their pride and dignity and the People’s Republic of China’s stability and unity are ensured.
We thank our hosts, the Hunan United Front, Beijing United Front, and the Central United Front Work Department, for their hospitality during this visit.
February 2, 2010
Dharamsala

Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, 1910-2009
Tibetinfo.net
28. Dec 2009ISSN: 1864-1407
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme (Chin: Apei Awang Jinmei) died on 23 December 2009 in Beijing, a few months before his 100st birthday, though he was already 100 by Tibetan reckoning. Often denounced as a Chinese collaborator, mainly for his historical role in the demise of Tibetan independence, Ngapo, appears rather a tragic figure caught his whole life between, on the one hand, his view that open confrontation with China was pointless and on the other hand his loyalty towards the Dalai Lama and his fellow Tibetans.
Ngapo Ngawang Jigme
Ngapo, who came from the Horkhang family, one of Tibet’s highest aristocratic families, was appointed one of the four Kalons (minister) in the cabinet of the traditional Tibetan government (Kashag) under the last regent of Tibet, Tagdra Rinpoche.
A few weeks before an expeditionary force of China’s People’s Liberation army (PLA) entered the territory still under jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama’s government, Ngapo was sent as a governor of eastern Tibet and took up the post in the city of Chamdo (Chin: Qamdo) with, as his military support, an ill-equipped Tibetan army which for decades had been neglected, if not intentionally held weak, by the conservative establishment in Lhasa. Facing an overwhelming Chinese force and sensing that Tibet, with the departure of the British from India, could not count on effective international support, he opted for surrender in October 1950, and advised the Tibetan government to negotiate, prompting the departure of the Dalai Lama and his entourage to Chumbi/Dromo, on the border of Sikkim.
He then led the Tibetan delegation who, under heavy pressure, signed the 17-point Agreement on 23 May 1951, by which Tibet lost the de facto independence it had enjoyed during most of the first half of the 20^th century, and became part of the emerging People’s Republic of China (PRC).
During the crisis of March 1959, Ngapo apparently did not consider following the Dalai Lama into exile, but characteristically, he discreetly did as much as he deemed he could to ensure his safety. As masses of Tibetans surrounded the Norbu Lingka amidst rumours that Chinese forces planned to kidnap the Tibetan leader, the Chinese general in charge had lost his communication link to the Dalai Lama, claiming: “Not a drop of water could have trickled through”. As days passed, the Chinese authorities decided to use force. Ngapo therefore called Kashoepa, his friend and former fellow cabinet minister, to his home, where he looked after his wife, and requested him to ensure delivery of the general’s correspondence to which he enclosed a confidential message of his own, asking the Dalai Lama to locate on a map his whereabouts in the Palace, so he could divert the Chinese army’s shelling from that particular location. He rightly reckoned that the crowd would not oppose Kashoepa’s passage as he was a popular patron of the monasteries. Kashoepa conveyed in total two letters between the Chinese general and the Dalai Lama, which he delivered through his root guru, Trijang Rinpoche, the junior tutor of the Dalai Lama.
Ngapo, who had already been courted by the Chinese authorities during the 1950s, was given a number of honorific positions in ‘liberated’ Tibet and the PRC, second only to the Panchen Lama. In contrast to the experiences of many Tibetans, even Communists like ‘Baba’ Phuntsog Wangyal (‘Phunwang’), he managed to escape all the purges during the 1960s-70s. Among the posts he held was membership of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TARPC), vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress (NPC) Standing Committee, China’s rubber-stamping parliament, from 1964 to 1993, and vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). However, like a handful of Tibetans in similar positions, none of his posts ever entailed any real political power, and his role was at best in a ceremonial or advisory capacity.
Ngapo’s surrender in Chamdo and the signing of the 17-point Agreement earned him a reputation of being a shrewd opportunist, if not an outright traitor. Malicious rumours about his personal conduct – for example the allegations that he was something of a rake with gambling debts – already dogged him in the 1950s. The official posts he later held, his apparently perfect alignment behind the Party line, the official stances he time and again was made to lend his voice to, and even his penchant for cadre dress, made him a figure of contempt among Tibetans, particularly in exile.
It is only in the 1980s, when contacts between the Dalai Lama and Beijing resumed, and Ngapo had carefully aligned himself with the Panchen Lama’s efforts to revive Tibetan culture, that he assumed a more positive role. His efforts to act for the benefit of ethnic Tibetans within the narrow parameters of being a central public figure on a stage set and directed by the Communist Party of China (CPC)(1), found acknowledgement in a statement by the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) – the Government in Exile – issued one day after his death, which honoured him as “someone who upheld the spirit of the Tibetan people” and mourned his demise.
For others, particularly among advocates of Tibetan independence, who reject the Dalai Lama’s calls for autonomy within the PRC, Ngapo still remains a symbol of Tibetan collaboration and submissiveness. Exile Tibetan writer Bhuchung D. Sonam, called him “a perfect (…) opportunist”, who “from his vantage position (…) sensed which side was winning”, and “shrewd and calculative”, had “made sure to be with the winner”.
Notes:
1: A comparison with the Panchen Lama who openly and successfully supported the Tibetan renaissance after his rehabilitation is not entirely fair, because, as a religious leader, the Panchen Lama was graced with a fervent following, which put him in a far stronger position than Ngapo.

An excellent analysis of Tibetan’s survival struggle

By Manju Gupta
Tibet: The Lost Frontier, Claude Arpi, Lancer Publishers, Pp 338, Rs 795 (HB)
The author begins by paying her respects to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for “perhaps even more than the enlightened insights on Tibetan history and the issue of Tibet which he has given during several interviews. I am grateful to ‘Kundun’ simply for his ‘presence’ in this often adharmic world.”
The book introduces the main character in the tragedy that overtook the Roof of the World -Tibet – in 1950, which turned the destinies of India, Tibet and China. The three nations had the choice of going towards peace and collaboration or tension or confrontation, but each one chose its fate with all the consequences that followed. The end of the 40s saw the entry of a new player in the great game of free Asia and that was China. A new emperor, Mao Zedong ascended the throne of the Middle Kingdom. His counterpart was a British-educated Jawaharlal Nehru. On the one side of the chessboard was Mao, the great helmsman who believed in real world only; on the other side was the idealist Nehru who was a dreamer. In 1947, when General Sir Robert Lokhart took the paper containing the recommendations for building up a defence policy for India to Nehru, the latter ignored the suggestion saying that the police was good enough “to meet our security needs”. Mao knew his Indian interlocutor, the champion of non-violence well enough and feared no danger from him.
In Tibet, 15-year old Dalai Lama was enthroned as Tenzin Gyatso, who by religion and temperament showed many convictions dear to Nehru but supported Mao’s view that his country needed ‘socialist’ reforms. However, he was never to be allowed to implement them.
In India, two other characters, apart from Nehru, were KM Panikkar and VK Krishna Menon who played a negative role in the tragedy that unfolded. Panikkar believed that Mao was “the chosen leader of the resurgent people” and wholly supported China.
The book says that Beijing believed that Nehru wanted to be the leader of Asia and that the Chinese goal was to bring the communist revolution to Asia and at a later stage, to the entire world. In the struggle between capitalism and socialism, the Chinese leaders considered Nehru an obstacle. In October 1949, Mao Zedong had even disclosed, “Like free China, free India will one day emerge in the socialist and people’s democratic family. That day will end the imperialist reactionary era in the history of mankind.”
Mao had said after the 1962 Chinese attack in NEFA that people may ask if China had any intention to abandon a territory gained by heroic battle, but “does it mean that the heroic fighters shed their blood in vain and to no purpose?” For him and his comrades, imperialist tendencies mattered. Historian Dr RC Majumdar has shed light on this by saying, “It is characteristic of China that if a region once acknowledged her nominal suzerainty even for a short period, she would regard it as a part of her empire forever and would automatically revive her claim over it even after a thousand years, whenever there was a chance of enforcing it.”
While Nehru and the Dalai Lama, both “adept in the philosophy of non-violence, were ready to accept many compromises to avoid struggle or conflict, the Chinese did not find anything wrong in war and upheaval.” The author points out that the Indian leaders fooled themselves in believing in the ?Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai? doctrine when the Chinese aims “were always clear, loud and publicly assumed; nowhere did these plans ever move towards a friendship with India.”
George Ginsburg, who wrote Communist China and Tibet, had said, “He who holds Tibet dominates the Himalayan piedmont; he who dominates the Himalayan piedmont, threatens the Indian subcontinent; and he who threatens the Indian subcontinent may well have all south-east Asia within his reach, and all of Asia.” Mao Zedong, the strategist, knew this well as did the British who had always manoeuvred to keep Tibet as an ‘autonomous’ buffer zone between their Indian colony and the Chinese and Russian empires. The author says that the Government of India, upon inheriting the past treaties of the British, should have kept the British mantle with its advantages for Indian security and its sense of responsibility vis-ê-vis Tibet; “unfortunately fearing to be labelled a neo-colonialist state, they failed lamentably, giving no thought to the consequences which would follow.”
The author of this book makes a very pertinent point regarding China’s claims on Arunachal and Aksai Chin. The Chinese have been claiming both the disputed areas of Aksai Chin and Arunachal because “it costs them (the Chinese) nothing to exchange their claim on Arunachal against the ?legalisation? of their occupation of Aksai Chin.” The recent incursion in Arunachal Pradesh is probably a Chinese bluff to “replace their illegal occupation of Aksai Chin.” She suggests that if India wants peace with China, “it would certainly be in India’s interest if Delhi decides to help the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people to find a negotiated solution with Beijing.”
(Lancer Publishers, 2/42 (B) Sarvapirya Vihar, New Delhi-110 016.)

TIBET in SONG
AUCKLAND RIALTO CINEMA- NEWMARKET – Sunday  7th March 2010  Australasian Premiere  of TIBET in SONG at 4.40 pm., followed by questions and answers. Since Ngawang Choephel  couldn’t make it to the Premiere, so I told him that I will go and do the Q and A for him. I hope to be there in time after my hectic day as MC at the 13th Lakeside Multicultural Festival 2010 where 26 Ethnic Groups will perform from 1 – 5 pm.
TIBET in SONG will also screen on Friday the 12th March at 1.45 pm and Sunday 14th March at 1.35 pm    at Rialto Cinema Newmarket
WELLINGTON at ANGELIKA at Reading Cinemas – Courtenay:   Sunday 21st March at 4.30 pm, Friday 26th March at 1.30 pm   and Sunday 28th March 1.10 pm
I hope all our members will take this opportunity to see this documentary
You can also use the link to the film page on the website:
http://www.documentary.org.nz/2010/ak/film/tibet-in-song

Long Beach, LA — His Holiness left Memphis on the morning of September 24, 2009 arriving in Long Beach in California later this morning. At the airport he was received by Khensur Lobsang Jamyang whose Geden Shoeling Buddhist is hosting his visit here. Tibetan Parliamentarian for North America, Tenzing Chonden, and Kasur Pema Chhinjor were also among those who received His Holiness
His Holiness first went to the Geden Shoeling Buddhist Center in Westminster, California, where he blessed its library. He also had a lunch there before proceeding to Long Beach.
In the afternoon, at 2:30 pm His Holiness left for the nearby Terrace Theatre where around 500 members of the Tibetan community from southern California and nearby areas had gathered for an audience with him. The president of the Tibetan Community of Southern California, Mrs. Pema Chodon, gave a brief report on the activities.
The children of the Sunday Tibetan Culture school presented a song in praise of His Holiness.
Thereafter, His Holiness addressed the people for nearly 50 minutes. His Holiness said it is 50 years since we became refugees. He said it is nearly 60 years since the unfortunate events happened in Tibet. In the life span of a people’s history 50 years is not a long time, but if we look at it from the point of view of an individual’s life span, 50 or 60 years are really long time, he said.
He said in one sense, our situation for the past 50 years is a sad one. Those of us in exile have been homeless while those Tibetans in Tibetan have undergone great difficulties. However, in another sense on account of that negative development, the Tibetan people in all the three provinces have seen the strengthening of their feeling of their being the same people from the Land of Snows. His Holiness said, in the past, if we take the region where he was born, in Dhomey in Qinghai Province, the people there did not have any connection with the Tibetan Government. Although the people had spiritual connection their feeling of being Tibetan has not been that visible. But last year we saw developments in Tibet that showed that all Tibetans considered themselves as one, he said.
His Holiness said in exile, in general wherever Tibetans live, whether in India, Switzerland, or the United States, they have developed a very positive image. However, now if we are not alert and careful there is the risk of gradual degeneration of the positive Tibetan characteristic.
His Holiness said among the scholars in the international community Tibetan culture is seen as something that is beneficial to the world. Among scientists, there is acceptance that Tibetan culture and Tibetan Buddhism are not just museum pieces but something that have relevance to day-to-day life, he added.
He said if we look back to our situation in the past 50 years our negative experience has turned out to be some sort of a blessing. He said he usually mentioned that had he not been a refugee and resided in Lhasa, he would have had some pomp but would not have had the exposure to the world or would not have been able to have interest in such matters. On account of our being in exile, he said he had been able to meet all sorts of people, politicians, scientists, ordinary individuals, sick people, etc. From his own childhood he said he had been very curious to know and to get answers for “how” and “why” of anything. After meeting different people, he said he had the opportunity to become more aware.
His Holiness said he had always been saying that we should hope for the best while preparing for the worst. He thus urged everyone to be alert and not to become lax. In Tibet, the Tibetan people are exposed daily to fear and tribulation and so they have daily reminder of their situation. Those of us in exile, while we do care about the common cause, but because of absence of any daily emergency situation, other than means of earning livelihood or improving our situation, we face the risk of becoming lax, he said. We need to think over our condition and to think about the hope being placed in us by the people in Tibet, he said. His Holiness said this does not mean that one does something specifically for the Tibetan cause. Any Tibetan can utilize the opportunity in his or her daily interaction at the workplace or anywhere to show the positive Tibetan characteristic, he said. Such an attitude will garner support for Tibet from others.
His Holiness said it is important for the parents to relate their experience to their children so that the children become aware of the situation under which our community has existed and be reminded of their identity.
His Holiness said we are following the non-violent path for the cause of Tibet. We are proud of the path we have adopted since we have truth on our side. On account of this we can be non-violent and transparent. On the other hand, since the Chinese Communists do not have truth (concerning Tibet) they have to indulge in falsehood, distortion, and the use of force. If they have truth, then they can provide reasons.
In order to follow the path of non-violence we need education, His Holiness said. In the past we have fallen behind in the matter of modern education, he added. He related the experience of the 13th Dalai Lama who upon his return from India had taken steps to send students abroad, but that could not happen.
His Holiness also told the audience about his interaction with some Christian group in Ladakh during his recent visit there. He said he had told them that the Christians may have been the most effective among the religious traditions in providing education throughout the world. He told them that the Christian groups had established a school in Batang in Kham. Phuntsok Wangyal had told him that he had gone to that school. Similarly in Amdo there was another school. His Holiness said that had there been more such schools in Tibet there would have been hundreds and thousands of Tibetans who would have had modern education.
We need to look at our past experience and need to pay special attention to education. His Holiness then asked the university students in the audience to stand up. He commended them and said along with their studies they need to interact with more students, particularly if there are Chinese students. Such activities would be beneficial, he said. His Holiness also asked parents to encourage their children to continue their studies and to undertake specialized education.
His Holiness said along with modern education they also need to pay attention to Tibetan culture the basis of which is Tibetan Buddhism. He said mere faith in Tibetan Buddhism was not enough. One needs to study Buddhism and gain conviction through reasoning.
His Holiness referred to the presence of some monks in the gathering and said that they needed to be really conscientious. He advised the monk community not to use their religious faith as a means of earning a livelihood. Similarly, he said that anyone wearing a monk’s garment needs to be careful to abide by the responsibilities that come with it and they should not do anything inappropriate.
As for relations with China, His Holiness said that he did not have anything special to tell them. He said the main responsibility is being shouldered by the elected Kalon Tripa. We are sincerely following the path of democracy, he said. In the course of last year’s Special General Meeting, His Holiness said he had conveyed to the Kalon Tripa that we needed to get the frank views of the public on future course of action and to abide by it rather than us trying to bring them to our point of view.
His Holiness said after the Tibetan demonstrations last year and the subsequent Chinese actions we had felt that we needed to strengthen our outreach to the Chinese scholars in addition to our contact with the Chinese Government. He said he had suggested the establishment of Tibetan-Chinese friendship groups and some have already been established. He said he himself had made efforts in meeting Chinese scholars, particularly those who reside in China. He added that he may have met over 300 such Chinese individuals in the past one year. After these people have heard our side of the story relating to Tibet they have no hesitation in supporting us, he said.
He said some of the Chinese scholars tell us that the political system in China will change. In the past 60 years or so there has been degeneration of the traditional Chinese characteristic. Today, money has become the central focus in China. They feel that there is the need to revive the positive Chinese tradition. They say that today we need the support of the Chinese scholars on the Tibetan issue. In the future, Tibetans need to support the Chinese people in reviving their spiritual and cultural heritage. Thus, Chinese scholars understand the value of Tibetan culture and place hope on it for developing the Chinese society.
Therefore, it is very important that we establish relationship with the Chinese people. Some of them have told us that in the past they had only known the official Chinese Government position. But after meeting us, coming to the Tibetan communities in India, etc. they say that they have to apologize for what has happened to the Tibetans. This is the result of our having truth on our side.
If we look at the local level where Tibetans are in dire situation, things may seem hopelesss, but if we look at the situation from a broader perspective, it is a matter before truth triumphs. Everyone needs to continue with their indomitable determination.
If we look at the Tibetan people through history we can certainly feel proud. We have a language. If people need to study Buddhist philosophy in the world today it is Tibetan language that has the best collection. Thus we can be proud of being Tibetans. We also need to be able to keep up with the times in this 21st century and have an all round education. That is all.
His Holiness will be giving teachings on Septembet 25 and 26 in Long Beach.
— reported by Bhuchung K Tsering

Phayul
August 31, 2009
Dharamsala Aug 31 — The Kalon Tripa, Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche, yesterday advised Tibetan writers, poets and editors to adopt a middle way in their writing practices. The Prime Minister of Tibetan exile government was speaking as the chief guest at a literary conference today organized by the Tibetan PEN here at Mentseekhang hall.
Several writers, poets, editors and readers met for the annual affair that attracted participation from south India and Varanasi besides the avid readers from Norbulingka Institute and Sarah Tibetan College. The meeting was evidently a conglomeration of the usual group of Tibetan writers and readers. There was neither a diverse group, nor the sporadic writers in English except for one.
The president of Tibetan PEN, Lhamo Kyap, a poet and now a lecturer at a university in France, welcomed the gathering while the main organizer of the conference Kunther Dhondup, vice president of the organization, gave an overview of the conference.
Media shy Tibetan poet and writer Lodoe Palsang, who looked more like a rock star made a rare appearance to comment on overall literary development, while the lone Tibetan writer in English present at the conference, Tenzin Tsundue, spoke on “Mapping Tibetan Writing in English”.
Defining “Tibetan literature” threw up a controversy as some of the writers refused to recognize Tibetan writings in foreign languages as “Tibetan literature”. Tsundue claimed that if a writer is Tibetan and if the content is also Tibetan then it must be considered as Tibetan literature, it can be in English like Jamyang Norbu’s or Woeser’s in Chinese. Tsundue later told Phayul that the debate would grow stronger now that a whole new generation of English readers is growing up.
During the two-day proceedings the speakers covered a wide range of topics and subjects of concerns like women writing and writing for children. Tibetan writer and translator Chung Tsering mapped “story writing in exile since 1960”. Kelsang Lhamo’s novel “Drangsong Thiney Ki Milam Yunchik” was applauded by many. Pema Tsewang Shastri’s novel in Tibetan “Warm East Cold West” based on real lives of exile Tibetans won much praise for its realistic approach.
Some of most appreciated writers who got mentions were Gendun Chophel, Dhondup Gyal, Jamyang Norbu, Dawa Norbu, Pema Bhum, Ju Kesang, Jangbu, Tsering Wangmo Dhompa, Zung Shuk Kyi and Buchung D Sonam. Tibetan Freedom and other magazines were lauded as platforms for the writers.
Kalong Tripa boosted the morale of the writers promising his government’s support for publications of literature and also literary gatherings. However he stressed on the need for discipline among writers besides producing good literature in an apparent reference to a few members of the Tibetan PEN not returning to India after a literary conference in Europe two years back.
The Tibetan PEN will hold its general elections today but not many changes in the executives are expected.