By Mayank Aggarwal Dharamsala
IANS – 18 Sep 2009
Dharamsala: Sixteen-year-old Tibetan Jamyang set out on a journey that could threaten his life. His farmer parents let him cross over to India via Nepal for his education despite knowing that he may go without food and they may never set eyes on him again.
The eldest of eight children in a family based in eastern Tibet, Jamyang is one in the latest batch of 40-odd refugees who have come to Dharamsala, the headquarters of the Tibetan government-in-exile, hoping to start a new chapter in his life.
Away from his family, there is just one singular reason that has made him come to this Himachal Pradesh town – school.
The young boy couldn’t wait to meet the supreme Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, Friday being the day scheduled for it. He will now join Bir School, one of the many started by the government-in-exile here.
“I want to go to school, that is why my parents sent me away. I have not decided what I want to do or become when I grow up. It is for my family to decide what I will do or where I will go after finishing my school here,” Jamyang told a visiting IANS correspondent.
Because of the circumstances in Tibet – which is under Chinese rule – he was unable to attend school there.
Reminiscing the 40-day-long Himalayan journey to India, he says, it was not simple. “I first went to Lhasa from where I reached the Nepal border crossing the Himalayas. But the security there was very tight and crossing the Tibet-Nepal border was very difficult. I even remained without food for three days,” he recalls.
After a month in Nepal, the refugees, including 12 teenagers like Jamyang, were put on a special bus to New Delhi and finally made their way here.
The Tibetan government-in-exile lays special emphasis on education for the community’s children. While some of its schools are controlled by the Indian government, others are run by independent organizations such as the Tibetan Children Village (TCV).
Currently, there are about 27,000 students in 82 Tibetan schools for the refugee community throughout India, Nepal and Bhutan.
A lot of importance is also laid on preservation of Tibetan culture through education.
“We lay emphasis on preservation of the Tibetan language and culture. We follow the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) and teach three languages – Tibetan, Hindi and English,” said Sonam N. Dagpo, secretary, international relations, of the Tibetan-government-in-exile.
“Initially, English was the medium of instruction but now we have started Tibetan language as a medium of instruction. At present, it is till Class 5 only but we are planning to extend it up to Class 10,” he added.
“We don’t want them to forget their own culture,” Dagpo said.
The Tibetan community is celebrating 2009 to say “Thank you India: 50 years in exile”, showing gratitude to India for hosting them and their religious heads for five decades.
“Education is the topmost priority for our children. It’s not about providing them education alone; it’s about giving them hope for their country. If they get educated, they will be able to work for their country,” said TCV’s education director Tenzing Sangpo.
TCV used to get around 800-900 Tibetan children every year, but since last year – when there was a widely reported crackdown by the Chinese authorities in Tibet – they have got only 150 children.
“We are thankful to the Indian government for their support and today our students are very successful. India has become a second home for us and Tibetans have adapted to Indian culture pretty well,” Sangpo added.
Many students have now become doctors, administrators, engineers, post- graduate teachers, journalists, social workers, lawyers and computer programmers.
A total of 140,000 Tibetans now live in exile, over 100,000 of them in different parts of India. Over six million Tibetans are believed to be living in Tibet, which the Dalai Lama fled in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese Communist rule.

Chris Devonshire-Ellis
2point6billion.com
August 17, 2009
While China turns to partial lock down in the lead up to the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, India last Saturday celebrated her 62nd year of independence. The two anniversary celebrations cannot be more different.
China is starting to restrict entries to foreigners; particularly journalists during their anniversary and other sensitive parts of the country, like Tibet, Xinjiang and Beijing. Media access will be restricted with military and police presence likely to be overwhelming. Social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook are blocked, as are video sharing services such as You Tube.
In moves that would bring down the government in India, human rights lawyers in China being detained and barred from practice. There have been Chinese protests in Australia against the screening of a documentary on the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer. India meanwhile has had to endure comments from a quasi China government backed website calling for the nations ‘dismemberment’ in order to protect Chinese interests.
When I mention that You Tube and Twitter are blocked and internet access is restricted in China, friends and colleagues in India just laugh. Paranoia, a “nanny” state, and a disbelief that people would tolerate a one party state- although Indians of course endured their version under the British Raj- brings a knowing raised eyebrow that the Chinese are, well, perhaps potentially unpredictable.
The unpredictability, Indians feel, represents a danger. When one contrasts the build up to the Chinese anniversary and the Indian one, it’s hard not to see that particular point of view may have some merit. While we have to wait for the pomp and circumstance of the Chinese anniversary, we have been promised a massive military parade which apparently includes a display of ballistic nuclear weapons.
We’ll also have to wait for the political rhetoric to justify that, but no doubt “national security” and a whole hearted assault on people to be patriotic towards the Communist Party will be very much in evidence.
Those issues gives a cause for concern when Chinese anniversary preparations are compared against the preparations that occurred in Delhi on Saturday. China intends to command its people to be loyal to the party for the benefit of national security and a “harmonious society.” On the other hand, India’s Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, had to justify to the Indian people why his party were in power and what they intend to deliver to the people of India.
In terms of the actual event, it began by Dr. Singh paying homage to the man considered the nation’s father, Mahatma Gandhi, at the Gandhi memorial. The PM then traveled to the Mughal-built 17th century Red Fort in Delhi and unfurling the Indian national tri-color flag from the rampart of Lal Quila. He then gave his speech, the highlights of which we discuss below.
Around 700 people, including school children clothed in the national flag as well as political VIPs and diplomats, packed the enclosure facing the Fort. There was no display of nuclear or military might; largely because the Indian
government does not require such statements to be made to its own people. The Indian government retains their own confidence purely in the system of elected government, although the Prime Minister did inspect the Indian honor guards lined up to meet him.
In terms of Dr. Singh’s speech to the nation, it represents his promise to the Indian electorate, and the words that his party will be held accountable in next three and a half years. This is different to China’s own National Day, where the onus is on following the Party line.
We divide the highlights of Dr. Singh’s speech up into different categories as follows:
General Promises to the People
* Nation building will be our highest duty.
* No one will go hungry
* Will ensure that benefits of development reach  all sections of society and all regions and citizens of the country
* Every citizen of India should be prosperous and secure and be able to lead a life of dignity and self respect
* Special care to be taken of needs of women and children. Benefit of ICDS (integrated child development services) to be extended to every child below the age of six by March 2012
* Government should be sensitive to people’s complaints and dissatisfaction but nothing is achieved by destroying public property and indulging in violence. The government will deal firmly with people who indulge in such acts
* Seek active partnership of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in the development process
* Schemes for the welfare of the minorities to be taken forward
* Funds enhanced substantially for special schemes for development of districts with concentration of minorities
* Will take care of the special needs of the backward regions with redoubled efforts to remove regional imbalances
* Special efforts to strengthen administrative machinery for rural programs
* Benefits of good programs will not reach the people till the government machinery is corruption free. Public administration to be more efficient.
* Need to improve delivery systems to provide basic services to citizens
* Renewed efforts to decentralize public administration through Panchayati Raji (de-centralized) institutions and to ensure greater involvement of people * Initiative will be taken for a new partnership between civil society and the government so that tax payers’ money is better spent
* Right to Information Act to be improved to make it is more effective and enhance accountability and transparency
Financial
*Restoring growth rate to 9 percent is the greatest challenge we face. We expect that there will be an improvement in the situation by the end of this year
*Appeal to businessmen and industrialists to join in effort to tackle difficult situation and fulfil their social obligations
Agriculture and  Food
* This year, there has been deficiency in the monsoon. We will provide all possible assistance to our farmers to deal with the drought
* Date for repayment of farmers’ bank loans postponed. Additional support given to farmers for payment of interest on short term crop loans
* We have adequate stocks of foodgrain. All efforts will be made to control rising prices of foodgrain, pulses and other goods of daily use
* Country needs another Green Revolution. the goal is four percent annual growth in agriculture; achievable in the next five years.
* Food security law to be enacted under which every below poverty line family will get a fixed amount of foodgrain every month at concessional rates
Medical

* National Rural Health Mission to be expanded to cover every family below the poverty line
* No need to panic in the face of H1N1 flu. No disruption of daily lives.
Education
* Right to Education Act enacted, funds will not be a constraint
* NREGA (national rural education guarantee act)  program to be improved to bring in more transparency and accountability
* Special attention to be given to the needs of disabled children
* Secondary education will be expanded to ensure that every child in the country benefits
* Bank loans and scholarships to be provided to the maximum number of students
* New scheme to help students from economically weaker sections get educational loans at reduced interest rates; will benefit about five lakh  students in technical and professional courses
Housing
* Additional funds allocated for Bharat Nirman (rural housing) program for the development of rural and urban areas to be speeded up
* Rajiv Awas Yojna (a slum free India in 5 years) program is now being launched
* Accelerated efforts to improve physical infrastructure; construction of 20 km of national highway

by Muhammad Sacirbey
September 12, 2009 – theamericanmuslim.org
China’s treatment of Tibet and the Uighurs, (of the Xinjiang Autonomous Province), has followed the pattern of an exchange of allegations and counter-charges. China simply expects to prevail by having an infinitely greater capacity to resonate by the logic of its rapidly expanding economic, political and military power. This methodology can achieve Beijing’s immediate objective of drowning out criticism, though it may well be at a non-refundable price to China’s longer term development as seen from the outside and within.
The unfolding situation in these two provinces has obvious importance for the peoples most immediately affected. It will also help shape China as a country that is growing into its new found economic and political power or one around which issues of human rights will be whispered for fear of offending Beijing’s hierarchy. Some of course will not whisper even if largely powerless. Confrontation will mutate.
Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdogan cautioned Chinese authorities regarding the potential “genocide” committed against the Uighurs. This starts bringing to the surface a term with international, legal implications from a leading Muslim majority country. The reaction of the Chinese government exhibited hypersensitivity without particular inclination to reflect upon the actions of some of its own officials and citizens. Similar considerations have been long reflected regarding the issue of Tibet and China’s sensitivity.
TWO KEY QUESTIONS
It is not fair to simplify any debate such as this, and especially as an outsider, but perhaps the offense is mitigated by the motive..  Does China policy in Tibet and Xinjiang reflect a commitment toward multi-ethnic society or an effort at “colonization”?.  What are the options to bring the matter into sustainable balance, consistent with China’s sovereignty and the rights of the Tibetan and Uighur indigenous populations?
“COLONIZATION” OR MULTI-ETHNICITY
“Colonization” is a term that is increasingly applied to describe the policy of Beijing toward these two provinces, Tibet and Xinjiang. The majority Han Chinese has been encouraged to settle in these provinces and appears to be benefiting from official favoritism in most arenas of political, economic, social and cultural life.
China does counter that many of the ethnic minorities are also favored in some key ways, including higher education slots and exemption from the “one baby” policy. It certainly may be difficult to draw a single sentence conclusion as to whether China is encouraging the “colonization” and rule by the Han majority or whether it is simply applying policies of multi-ethnicity throughout its borders.
SINS OF OUR FATHERS
Comparisons to the American experience from a century earlier are not flattering to either China or the United States. While much of America’s society was evolving its commitment and application of pluralism in the first few centuries of its discovery, others were the victims or exempted from inclusion, particularly Native Americans and African Americans. The exploitation of the “other” by societies overtly committed to principles of multi-ethnicity and pluralism is not unique. “Colonization” is the legacy of many western democracies but also African and Asian “empires.” China itself was the victim of imperial ambitions in the middle of the last century.
The models applied in the past to attain pluralistic societies may be inadequate for today. In historical perspective, some such policies may even reflect hypocrisy or more self-serving imperial ambitions. The sins of our fathers cannot be the model for today and tomorrow’s pluralistic societies, regardless of the avowed motives then and now.
INTERNATIONAL CRITERIA FOR RESPECT OF MINORITIES AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
China’s policy toward Tibet and the Uighur must be evaluated in the context of today’s standards, including those adopted by the United Nations toward indigenous populations. Commitment to pluralism and tolerance for indigenous peoples is marked by a respect for both the physical welfare and for the cultural and religious identity of the people as a group and individuals. From the Tibetan and Uighur perspective, there is ample evidence that China is marginalizing the linguistic, cultural and religious identity of these groups.
Official policies have served to discourage utilization of the local language in education, political institutions and business. Religious observance is not only frowned upon but also not allowed with respect to those members of the group(s) who hold positions of authority within the state. Aside from official policy, there is an intrinsic denigration of local culture and religion that many of us who experienced Communist authority are more familiar with. After decades of promoting atheism authorities may have also further become insensitive to their own intolerance.
RESOLUTION IN CONTEXT OF CHINA’S SOVEREIGNTY & TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY

China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is not at issue. Resolution can only be encouraged, not imposed. There are however more objective criteria by which Chinese authorities may be evaluated. That is why the use of terms such as “genocide” by Prime Minister Erdogan does raise the international stakes. The Dai Lama’s ability to reach so many of the world’s political, social and cultural leaders will keep the issue from being filed away as a “cold case.”
China’s tremendous economic rise has not yet been similarly reflected in its political evolution. Part of the solution is in the context of China’s broader development toward a more democratic and open society. Consistent with that is also a committed application of the methodologies respecting true autonomy within China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Allegations of Al-Qaeda involvement in Xinjiang, even if to be proven credible, cannot deflect the grievances of the Uighurs who are quickly becoming an ostracized minority in their own ancestral homeland. Regardless of the causes of the recent rioting in Xinjiang, the longstanding case of Tibet reveals a Chinese leadership that oscillates between too much sensitivity and an overly defensive attitude to seeming indifference.
China is an economic, political but also cultural power that the world must recognize in all its dimensions. Its leadership role should not be avoided, either by other global leaders or its own. The most effective way to impress its role as deserving deference is for China to exhibit practical and rhetorical respect for cultures and religions distinct from the majority with in its own borders.
Of course, there still remains a fundamental question that many in China still ask: What is the nature of modern China’s soul or does it even have one?

Times of India
August 30, 2009
LHASA (IANS) — There are 999 rooms and a sprawling cave in the awe-inspiring, centuries old Potala Palace in the centre of Lhasa Valley in Tibet.
But there is not a single photograph of the exiled Buddhist spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, in the palace-turned-museum where he spent his teenage, was educated, held religious ceremonies and met government officials and envoys.
As China officially ended the renovation of the palace that was the seat of the god-kings of Tibet when it was an independent Buddhist kingdom, the erasure of the image of the 14th Dalai Lama, who lived there from his formal enthroning in November 1950 till his flight to India in 1959, was virtually total.
The 74-year-old Nobel laureate, who remains a constant thorn in China’s flesh with his government-in-exile in India, is never mentioned by his name Jetsun Jamphel Ngawang Lobsang Yeshe Tenzin Gyatso in any of the hundreds of labels
describing the thousands of exhibits visitors are allowed to glimpse.
While the vice-premier from the central People’s Government of China, who had an audience with the Dalai Lama in 1956 in Potala Palace, has his name preserved for posterity through an exhibit label, Tenzin Gyatso has been reduced to a faceless entity.
The position is the same at the Tibet Museum, showcased as Tibet’s first comprehensive modern museum and a must-visit for tourists. A key Chinese project for social development, the museum with over 30,000 exhibits is Beijing’s endorsement of the annexation of Tibet.
The displays emphasise that since the founding of the Yuan dynasty in China in the 13th century, Tibet remained under the jurisdiction of China’s central government which assigned the General Administration as responsible for the political affairs of Buddhist monks across the country as well as the inhabitants in Tibet.
The museum also highlights that the posts of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, the two topmost officials of theocratic Tibet, were formally assigned by the Qing government of China in 1653 and 1713 respectively.
A key exhibit is the 17-point agreement signed between the local government of Tibet and China May 23, 1951, accepting measures for the peaceful liberation of Tibet and formalising the merger of the Buddhist kingdom with the communist republic.
What it excludes though is that when the pact was signed, the Dalai Lama had already fled Lhasa to Yatung near the Indian border, readying to go into exile.
At Lhasa’s oldest and most important temple, the Jokhang or House of the Buddha, built around 642, there is a photograph of the current Panchen Lama, the second-highest ranking lama after the Dalai Lama.
It is actually the photograph of Gyacain Norbu, the boy chosen by the Chinese government in a controversial move to replace the nominee of the Dalai Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, who has since then vanished from public eye in Tibet.
In the bustling markets outside temples in Lhasa, there are no photographs of the Dalai Lama, unlike markets in Nepal and India where the Tibetan diaspora live.
In their household shrines or prayer rooms, Tibetans abroad keep photographs of the Dalai Lama before which they burn incense, light butter lamps and make offerings.
But household shrines in Tibet are bereft of images of the popular red-robe-clad figure after China dubbed the Dalai Lama a separatist. The Government Information Office in Tibet issues booklets projecting China’s view of the Dalai Lama and his rule.
They project a horrendous image of a pitiless feudal system where power and money remained concentrated in the hands of only five percent while the remaining were reduced to serfs and slaves.
The pamphlets describe graphically how serfs would be punished: have their eyes gouged out, legs hamstrung, tongues cut out, or hands severed, hurled from a cliff, drowned or otherwise killed.
They also describe how each Dalai Lama had two money-lending agencies that lent money at an exorbitant rate of interest to bleed the people dry.
However, while the campaign has been effective in effacing the Dalai Lama’s image from Lhasa’s public life, it is questionable whether it has succeeded in uprooting the exile from Tibetan hearts.
Every day, more than 1,500 Tibetans undertake a tour of the Potala Palace. And each day, hundreds of ‘khadas’ – traditional silk scarves – pile up as offering before the empty throne of the Dalai Lama at the conference hall, once known as the Chamber of Golden Radiance.

Some of  the things I saw, bearing in mind I was being escorted thru Tourist Tibet!!!
Tibet May – June  I was  fortunate to find myself on a trip to Mt. Kailash to celebrate Saga Dawa, and to do the kora, some thing many only dream of. First impression of Lhasa, I may as well have been in China itself, there is very little to suggest to the traveler that they are in Tibet. Hundreds of plastic trees and flowers in pots are everywhere.  Western tourists are few and are herded into Chinese hotels, Indian tourists are plentiful but seem to have their  own areas. Hotel shops sell Tibetan magic water, in bottles, garish postcards of the Potala listed as a cultural relic and poor imitations of things Tibetan, they think might sell. Some of the hotels I encountered on route listed a special low grade room rate referred to as Tibetan grade.
Some disallowed Tibetan clothes , unless by prior arrangement with the management. Evening cultural shows were on offer supposedly by traditional Tibetan dancers, I did not attend, but saw the posters, women in heavy gawdy makeup, men with painted faces, it was impossible to determine if these were Tibetans or Chinese. I spoke to people who did attend , repots were of very loud and pop style show with audience participation encouraged. I didn’t see any Tibetan working in any of these hotels, and all the surrounding shops were Chinese.
The Potala palace is being obscured from view by a huge mountain of mud, there were 2 large cranes still working on the project, the objective seems to be to cut the view from the Barkhor and the Jokhang. Entry to both the Potala and Jokhang is severely restricted, expensive tickets are required, no cameras. Large groups of Chinese tourists, their guides carry portable microphone and mini speaker, drowning out any other  interpretation of any other group.
Two things that most struck me, there are no monks- anywhere, and everything, the people the Potala, Dreprung, Sera, Norbulingka, and all that they contain, which is precious little, is all a cultural relic. Tibetan language, at least with tourists, seems to be banned, the mention of the traditional regions ie, Amdo, is also banned . A friend has forgotton almost half of written Tibetan and his words “ what do we do “ will stay with me. Sera stage managed  a debating session  about 30 monks or apparently monks took part  for a limited time for the tourist cameras. Payment to use a camera is excessive and required everywhere  Tibetans generally do not like their photo being taken, understandably, many wear face masks with hats pulled well down.
The housing area in the Barkhor area is poor, dirty and in parts falling down. There were a great number of children on the streets suggesting they do not attend school. Chronic eye infections are prevelant in the children I saw, especially in areas out side Lhasa. Police and army in full riot gear are in great numbers as are road checkpoints. Heading out of Lhasa is like traveling thru a war zone.
Chinese are building a highway from Lhasa to Kailash   Most of it is substandard, using inferior and unsafe materials. Great parts of what they have built are already falling apart, the damage they are causing  with this construction is huge. Across the Ngari region there are only a few herds of sheep and yak not much else. Darchen is a tourist town for buying the last needy things before Kailash, the town is a massive construction site. Kailash herself is a mecca for Europeans on a challenging walk, and Indians on pilgrimage to Lord Vishnu. Very few, apart from the handful o f Tibetans seem to know why they are there. In a nutshell. This is TOURIST TIBET Chinese style, however it is poorly managed, expensive, and only includes Tibetans willing to align themselves to the Chinese ideaology. The feeling of fear is almost tangible, but at the same time I get the feeling that most still cling to the hope that this hell will  end and if one scratches the surface the faith that people have in His Holiness finding an answer is still strong. I completed the kora around Mt Kailash for all of Tibet and all Tibetans which was my motivation for engaging such a task.
Kale phe. Tashi delek. – Anon.

Press Statement
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD)
August 28, 2009
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) is organizing a press conference at Lhakpa Tsering Hall, Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR) on the fresh videotaped information received from Tibet that appeal to the International communities to act swiftly on behalf of the Tibetan people who are victims of human rights violations in Tibet.
Kalsang Tsultrim also known by pseudonym of Gyitsang Takmig is a monk of Gyitsang Gaden Choekorling Monastery in Sangchu County (Ch:Xiahe), Kanlho “Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture” (TAP), Gansu Province, one of the main focal points of last year’s protests in Tibet. Kalsang Tsultrim took a great personal risk of recording and distributing video testimony giving detail account of Tibetan history since the flight of Dalai Lama into exile, lack of human rights in Tibet, suffering of Tibetan people, struggle, hopes, aspirations of Tibetan people inside Tibet and his appeal to the outside world. The hour long video testimony was recorded on 18 July 2009 and was later edited with the input of related video footages and snaps for the final version in a VCD that was widely distributed in many Tibetan areas in Gansu, Qinghai and Sichuan Province. Kalsang is well versed in writing essays, composing lyrics etc. He had even authored a book.
According to the source who delivered the video testimony told the Centre that, “Kalsang Tsultrim wishes to distribute this video as widely as possible inside Tibet notwithstanding a great personal risk involved so as to educate primarily the illiterates and general Tibetan public who were fed with daily dose of government-sponsored propaganda with the true history of Tibetan struggle for freedom, the Dalai Lama’s call for the genuine autonomy through middle way approach, human rights situation in Tibet. He dealt in length with the Tibetan people’s hope and aspiration of the Dalai Lama?s return to rightful place, lack of human rights including religious freedom that led to the flight of many religious
leaders including Karmapa, Arja Rinpoche and others who could have easily chosen luxury and privileges under the Chinese government rather than coming into exile.”
Kalsang Tsultrim video testimony also touches many recent events in Tibet and Chinese government policies which led to the displacement of a large number of Tibetan nomads in the name of development, and thereby completely altering
their nomadic way of life, extraction of Tibet’s natural resources, destruction of fragile environment, economic marginalization and social exclusion of Tibetans, lack of freedom etc. He further elucidates on recent farming boycott
movement in Tibet, self-immolation bid by Lobsang Tashi a.k.a Tapey of Kirti Monastery, suicide by a monk of Ragya Monastery, arbitrary arrest, detention of thousands of Tibetans post 2008 March protests in Tibet.
The video message also appeals to the United Nations and International communities that they have moral obligation to speak on behalf of the Tibetan people inside Tibet who are living in constant fear and under severe repression.
Kalsang went on to retort the Chinese law on National Regional Autonomy by saying, “the laws on national regional autonomy stipulated under the Chinese Constitution guarantees the fundamental rights of minorities including Tibetans. But in reality it is a completely different scenario where our fundamental rights are not being respected at all. Tibet is governed as just another territory or region in the People’s Republic of China, but nothing is done to build the harmonious society that the government promises.”
“We do not have freedom of religion and politics because most of the religious and political websites are full of propaganda that distorts the situation. We do not hate the Chinese, but we respect truth and justice. We were protesting
against Chinese rule because the local authorities are not acting according to China’s Constitution and autonomy laws. The Premier of the People’s Republic of China said that China respects truth and justice. But Tibetans don’t have equal religious, political, and economic rights. So, many Tibetan people sacrificed their lives to protest against Chinese rule [over the past year], including myself here today, because we want equal human rights and freedom. We will never give up our fight for freedom and truth until Chinese policies change regarding the implementation of the Constitution,” Kalsang concluded.
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) consider the video message and view conveyed by Kalsang Tsultrim purely as general exercise of the fundamental freedom of expression and right to opinion enshrined in the Chinese constitution and other major international covenants that China is party to. The Centre believes that the message and views conveyed by Kalsang is widely shared by people inside Tibet. Kalsang’s outburst is a sign of China’s continuing repression inside Tibet and a manifestation of widespread human rights violations. His initiative in this expose under such risky circumstances indicates the deep seated helplessness that pushes Tibetan people’s
endurance to the very edge of human capacity.
NB: For copies of the VCD contact us at office@tchrd.org
Tashi Choephel Jamatsang (Mr.)
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy
Top Floor Narthang Building
Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamsala
H.P. INDIA 176215
www.tchrd.org
Mobile- 9418122921

tchrd – 10 September 2009
According to reliable information received today by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), a Tibetan monk from Drepung Monastery has died from torture in a Chinese detention center, Lhasa. He is alleged to have died in August 2009.
The monk was identified as Kalden, 32, from village No.8, Tso-doe Township, Phenpo Lhundup County, Lhasa Municipality City, “Tibet Autonomous Region” (“TAR”).
In 10 March 2008 Kalden, along with 300 monks from Drepung Monastery, participated in a march where they intended to protest in the Lhasa’s city centre against the Chinese government, when they were stopped and arrested by Chinese security forces. He was one of many monks arrested on that day.
Since his arrest on 10 March 2008 till present time, his whereabouts has remained unknown. No one, including his relatives and monks from Drepung Monastery, were informed of his detention in Lhasa.
According to multiple sources he died in a detention centre in mid-August 2009, due to prolonged period of confinement, torture and maltreatment. His corpse was handed over to his distant relative in Lhasa City in mid-Aug 2009.
According to the same sources, his elder monk brother, Samdup from Drepung Monastery was also arrested by Lhasa Public Security Bureau (PSB) on the 10 March 2008. Samdup’s whereabouts also remains unknown.

Dharamsala, Sept 19 – ANI: A young Tibetan boy, who has sought refuge in India, has recalled the atrocities of the Chinese authorities.
Jamyang, a sixteen-year old related his first hand experience after his arrival at Dharamsala. Earlier, Jamyang arrived in the Tibetan Reception Centre in Mcleodganj near Dharamsala on September 2.
He remembered the violent episodes that took place in the neighbourhood of his home, located at a fair distance from Lhasa.
“My area is quite far from Lhasa but still many Chinese troops and Chinese authorities just come to our place. When we were protesting last year, they just hit us on our heads with iron rods, Jamyang said.
He further revealed that he came by a bus, used by the Chinese authorities, as a stowaway without their knowledge.
He mentioned that his other motive to come over here was to get a better education and also to have an audience of the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibetans. – ANI

Phayul  August 18, 2009
Dharamsala, August 18 — The local authorities of Nyemo County in Lhasa Municipality confirmed the identities of three Tibetans killed in “the Chinese government’s violent crackdown on peaceful Tibetan protesters on 14 March 2008,” the exile Tibetan government’s website said.
The authorities revealed the identities of the three Tibetans following an inquiry by a couple looking for their sons.
The three Tibetans from Nyemo County killed on March 14 firing were Gyaltsen, 28, from Yakde village; Phuntsok Tsering, 20, from Yakde Lude and Mingyur, 20, from Yakde Khangsar. The three depended on petty jobs in Lhasa for livelihood.
“Many Tibetans were killed on 14 March 2008 when the Chinese security forces indiscriminately fired at peaceful Tibetan protesters. Many of those arrested continue to receive arbitrary and harsh prison terms. A large number of youths from neighboring counties, who were working in Lhasa, have simply disappeared following the security clamp down,” said the website.
Another Tibetan named Shayshay was shot dead in the Chinese crackdown on protestors in March last year, according to the website. The 46-year-old Tibetan from Bathang County is survived by his wife and four children. He was on a pilgrimage to Lhasa with his mother and wife. An armored vehicle, the website said, had shot him as he marched along with other protesters from Ramoche temple towards the post office.
The exile Tibetan government puts the death toll of last year’s unrest in Tibet at about 220. According to it, 1294 Tibetans have been “seriously injured,” 5,600 arrested, 290 sentenced and more than a thousand missing as of January 2009.